Introduction
This work, expected to briefly analyze the behavior of relations between the U.S. and Colombia, with emphasis on trade relations, without forgetting the implications of the bilateral agenda and the reality that presents a world that is in a stage of globalization.
As a strategic hint at the future of Colombia, shows the case of Mexico in globalization, and the case of productivity in Latin America.
In addition, NAFTA will be discussed, as a driver and an example of regional integration, it will touch the issue of tariff preferences, and suggest alternatives of both the United States economy, as with Mexico and Canada as a bloc.
The new economic realities necessitate integration policies in developing countries, no one can be alone and Colombia has shown no recent progress in this regard. Therefore we must look to other markets, other cultures and other realities to face the challenges of new realities and to better reach the new millennium.
1. COLOMBIA INTERNATIONAL AGENDA
International relations are undergoing a transition state and even turbulence, which require an intelligent adaptation of a good and timely information in order to develop a foreign policy of clear and specific-purpose interpretations.
Are witnessing the creation of a new order, where the internationalization process is stressed every day, making there is no activity in which one or the other way does not sit outside influence. Never more so than today, the challenges of autonomy and developing countries had been so linked to international variables. Furthermore, if in previous years there was some doubt about the relationship between domestic politics of a country and its foreign policy today is a fact beyond dispute. The case of Colombia is palpable. Separating the two areas leads to large errors that are detrimental to the security and national interest and certainly in the diagnosis and formulation of a proper foreign policy.
The priority themes on foreign policy are not only the topics around which turns the global agenda, while we have issues at the bilateral level should also deserve our full attention and receive a systematic management.
There can be no doubt that in the years ahead will continue to emphasize three major issues, which continue to focus on action by the international community: respect for human rights, the problem of illicit drugs and related products, and Environmental protection. For each one of them there, and will remain, a strong pressure of the main actors in international life for all companies comply with their commitments, freely accepted conventions and treaties.
The domestic behavior concerning such matters, is linked to the need to run a foreign policy which reflects national efforts in these fields. The bad image of Colombia called on the outside is not the cause of our national ills, but the result of an inner reality that has deviated considerably from the direction that we envision for the country.
As mentioned above, stand out within the themes that are part of the global agenda and that, therefore, Colombia should provide the most care, related to the phenomenon of illicit drugs, human rights and the environment, priority. But not enough, alone, with dealing with these issues at international level. It is indispensable to its proper internal management, where he lives a climate of violence that affects not only all citizens and its environment, but, of course, has effects beyond our borders and, therefore, the tools offered by cooperation between States should be exercised properly.
2. TOPICS OF THE INTERNATIONAL AGENDA COLOMBIA
2.1. Human Rights.
On the Colombian position against the Protection of Human Rights, it is important that the country definitively abandon the erroneous idea that the state is not someone who is forced explicitly and directly to their respect and promotion. [1] The Charter Policy and international commitments, both those held under the auspices of the United Nations and the Inter-American system, such as the Geneva Conventions and their additional protocols, requiring States to be faithful to its spirit and letter, by enforcing within the territory their jurisdiction.
The violations of these rights by citizens, constitute criminal conduct that should be tried and punished by the state without grounds that these behaviors exempt public authority of its obligations. We can not continue to insist that it is unfair that the international community to censure the Colombian government and ignore the violations committed by citizens and foreigners in its territory. It is the state obligated to honor their commitments, not only for their own actions and omissions, but also by the criminal conduct of citizens and when it is not tried and duly punished. That the social disorder and the permanent state of internal conflict hinder strict compliance with the commitments of the authority delegated public is undeniable, but this, in any event affect the obligation of the State in this delicate matter, which will continue to appear in first line of national problems.
International interest in the issue of human rights no longer lies solely with governments and intergovernmental bodies. It is increasingly strong influence of non-governmental organizations, national and international, involved in monitoring the conduct of countries regarding the protection of the rights of citizens. It is urgent that the acceptance of contemporary reality, which should lead to proactive management of relationships with these organizations. In general, they fulfill a necessary function of control to the States, identifying obstacles to the adequate protection of human rights both in law and in practice.
Beyond the criticism of Colombia for the events that threaten the integrity of persons, including the acquiescence of the authorities with irregular procedures of repression, censorship international opinion rightly laws as contrary to international commitments the country as the principle of respect due to the superior orders defense to liability as a cause and the excesses of military justice.
In the field of Human Rights, the Colombian State is subject to increasing international scrutiny and, in particular by the United States. This fact is supported by major changes in the international conception about the state undertakings in this field and a change in the concept of national security.
The frequent official sophistry, minimizing problems and naive and sometimes clumsy responses to the international documents censor us, convince officials in other states or international organizations, which Colombia does not have an institutional attitude on the subject would and only seeks to gain time and avoid negative statements, without solving the problems of the country.
Moreover, the lack of unity and continuity in state politics, seriously hampers the work. Actions to improve the protection of human rights in the country, are locked in the same public institutions, and lack of unity makes it impossible to plan a coherent international action. Just weak and disjointed that the work of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in this field.
It is therefore necessary that the Human Rights policy gravitate in a serious effort, backed by real commitment by the President of the Republic, the Colombian State to effectively combat the violation and seek the necessary institutional reforms. It is essential that this policy is made based on a high-level definition to generate a common strategy. It might be thought to create for this purpose a National Human Rights Commission consisting of the ministries of Interior, Defense, Justice and Law and Foreign Affairs and the Presidential Council for Human Rights and Peace, to present a methodological proposal on strategies to continue the government in this area and report regularly on results achieved.
It is also important, of course, strengthen the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to form a Permanent H
uman Rights Unit with dedicated staff, not subject to rotation in other positions, in order to develop the knowledge and skill necessary to meet international commitments required to submit periodic reports, answering the requirements of the different political and legal bodies of the international system and addressing the processes being conducted against Colombia. It is also necessary to strengthen other institutions in this field in order to support this responsibility from the institutions of foreign policy. These officials must have access to all documents that are not under judicial restraint in the Colombian state.
2.2. Drug Trafficking.
The policy response to the growing significance of psychoactive drugs has to continue under the sign of international cooperation, as a global problem it is. No outdated nationalism and false statements about an alleged national sovereignty, which features in the late twentieth century have nothing to do with the principles of international conduct encouraged in the last century. The country has to guide their actions, at their discretion, for obvious reasons of universality. The mid-term target should be the implementation of international legislation, to facilitate, by all means, the activities of the community of nations against the criminal activities of illicit drug trafficking and related, as the diversion of chemical precursors, money laundering, smuggling of arms and explosives.
On the other hand, the strategy to combat the drug problem that arises in a comprehensive actions has oversized interdiction response to the problem. Thus socio-economic intervention strategies and public health address the problem of production and consumption are assigned a second-order priority within the national context and the management of Colombia’s foreign policy on the issue.
A Colombia circumstances that he has had problems handling this issue off the international community, we must add the fragility of its ability to generate accurate information that is not subject to questioning by the international community. It is suggested that Colombia develop the means to produce and analyze information on the scale of the problem within the country and the results of their actions on drugs.
In addition, the increasingly active participation of the legislative chambers on the problems of drugs, not always bright or motivated by reasons of public interest, have added a new factor of confusion in the handling of the case. Should be organized more efficiently the various aspects of the fight against drug trafficking, through a rationalization of the institutional tools and human and financial resources to prevent further disorder that has characterized the official action in this field.
2.3. Environment.
The challenge of environmental protection, requires also an international perspective. What is certain is that the imperatives of development in less industrialized countries have to be reconciled with domestic and international interest in preserving natural resources and biodiversity. However, the progress made in recent years to define the scope of policies that ensure sustainable development, namely, the one that strikes a balance between development needs and protection of nature, the truth is that there is still the lack of consensus on the practical implications of this conceptual approach.
The starting point of the dispute between advocates of the Environment and who put the needs of development to environmental considerations, emerged during the Stockholm Conference of 1972. Subsequent econometric analysis have shown the correlation between increased per capita income and quantitative indicators on improving environmental quality. Twenty years later, in the Rio Conference of 1992, the industrialized countries, particularly the United States, vehemently defended the thesis in favor of development policies, not called neoliberalism, as they relate to their own interests. They claim that environmental problems in the physical sense – biotic, can only be solved with the opening of economies, increasing competition and thereby increasing productivity, gross domestic product growth and as a result of all this , the reduction of poverty. This model, apparently simple but full of assumptions difficult to perform, has had serious consequences for the management of environmental protection in all countries, rich and poor, due to the consequent postponement of the attention to environmental investments, which must wait where an adequate level of income per capita or having resolved the problems that affect the stability and the pace of economic growth.
For Colombia, there are at present two challenges: first, is to seriously evaluate the consequences for the country’s development arising from the multitude of commitments that have been gaining in international forums, often unwittingly their implications. The second, on the need for institutional strength to the management of environmental policy, currently scattered in various agencies without the necessary financial and human resources. Under this administrative aspect, it is necessary to redefine the functions of Regional Corporations face of the purview of the Ministry of Environment, and clearly define the environmental obligations of local and regional authorities.
Obviously, there must be also a close coordination between the Ministry of Environment and the Colombian Foreign Ministry, responsible for setting international policies in all fields.
3. INSTITUTIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR THE MANAGEMENT OF FOREIGN POLICY
Several factors have driven through most of our republican history the dejection state of our international relations. Colombian society, not homogeneous, divided into multiple geographic and cultural isolation from the rest of the world, has never given much importance to the international dimension of their problems and concerns. As a result of public indifference, governments, with few exceptions, foreign policy has been relegated to the bottom of its agenda, as proven by the financial abandonment and human resources who have always lived in the agencies responsible for the conduct of international politics. It is not therefore surprising that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has traditionally been the Cinderella of public administration.
For a proper and consistent development of the themes of the International Agenda Colombian increasingly evident the urgent need for a strong Chancellor, modern and highly professional, which also has solid and permanent channel of dialogue at different levels of public administration.
Given the complexity world, who have the responsibility to design and carry out the policies of the country should become increasingly specialized. It also requires strong political will to avert the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the vices of bureaucracy and politicking that have traditionally been.
Also following a traditional course of our politics, we are constantly changing laws and organizational regulations of the Ministry of foreign service and diplomatic career, as if the chronic deficiencies were the result of wrong or inappropriate standards. There has been no government in the last decades has decided to immortalize with reforms, as was natural to expect, have never served to improve the delivery of the diplomatic service or to brighten our foreign policy.
The last Foreign Service Organic Act of the diplomatic and consular dates from January 3, 1992. In the same year, by Decree No. 2126 of 29 December, the Ministry was restructured and identified the functions of their units, creating among other things, the Directorate General of the Diplomatic Academy of San Carlos, assigned to the office of Minister.
In the past, what is now called the Diplomatic Academy was named after the Colombian Institute of International Studies and its activities were limited to the selection of applicants to join the diplomatic service and the preparation of promotion courses for officials of the Ministry it w
as not yet established the requirement for such officials to perform a prior course of a year. Today, the Academy has such a course aimed at preparing people to enter into the diplomatic or consular and into the ministry, to conclude.
In May of this year, called the last contest in which 35 candidates were selected, which formed the group for the annual course and entered the plant after internal ministry as third secretaries. You can not hide, however, that the real diplomatic service in the country is still inefficient and has so far given the expected results. Despite the efforts that have been made at times to compensate for many years overdue, is still prevalent the inveterate habit of patronage, which still carries a significant advantage over the true professionalism.
As clearly demonstrate numerous examples of countries that have managed to organize its diplomatic activity, the key requirement is the quality of staff and continuity of effort, not a body of legislation that always comes in Colombia. The preparation of those who have to devote to the diplomatic life and the selection criteria is the irreplaceable basis for effective international action. In both respects we have been erratic, and sluggish. Attempts have been made in perfecting the diplomatic corps have been timid and without political support and, usually, before applying the rules with determination and firmness, new changes are proposed to remedy what can not be remedied on the basis of provisions legislation. A good example is the project you are currently enrolled in the Chambers to amend, for the umpteenth time, the diplomatic corps, before the current rules have been implemented fully. In Colombia, as has been said ad nauseam, there are laws for everything. What is missing is the ability to govern our lives according to those laws.
The same obsession with ongoing regulatory changes, took us thirty years ago to radically alter the composition of the Advisory Committee on Foreign Affairs, which since its inception at the beginning of the century had been providing valuable services to the country. The original idea had a successful practice development, which left a pool of capital importance in research and studies on the most diverse aspects of international life in the country. Composed of independent experts, was actually a government advisory group, always taken into account in making decisions in difficult times and for the general orientation of foreign policy. Since he ceased to be what it was for so many years, the Commission, composed now, after several reforms, with a highly political approach, with presidents, parliamentarians and political representatives of the government with their alternates, has not produced a single study that deserves the name of such. Sporadically called for ex-post facto informed decisions and positions already taken, its contribution has grown from a collection of reviews of its members on current issues that affect the orientation of the Colombian foreign policy.
However the error made in 1991, without justification, by raising to the Advisory Commission on constitutional body, its composition is determined by law. Since the Constitution says nothing about the functions, they are also setting legislative matters. Here is an example of a current law, 68, 1993, a radical reform that deserves to return to the Advisory Commission features that should never have lost.
Paradoxically, the meetings of the Advisory Body are called “ordinary and informative,” which means, almost certainly, that the Advisory Commission, which does not escape from the intricacies of politics, is just currently a body of political support for decisions already taken by the Executive.
In short, it would seem an exaggeration to conclude that Colombia, strictly speaking, has lacked an institutional structure that allows you to exercise its foreign policy. Implicit in this are structural and political problems that it is urgent to fix. The country must, among other things, have long-term institutional plans that provide the support necessary to create the conditions for carrying out a foreign policy seriously. While there are a number of institutional settings, it is also necessary that the Public Administration staff can retain that has invested time and resources.
4. TRADE AND INTEGRATION
Trade liberalization and economic openness have imposed radical changes in the foreign policy of all countries. Colombia will have to continue making great efforts to adjust its foreign policy to these new economic realities. Trade liberalization has been linked to another new phenomenon, which contradicts to some extent: the formation of large regional blocs, in one way or another, are protected from extra-regional competition, despite its apparent universal. These three regional blocs, formed by the United States, Mexico and Canada, the European Union and Asian countries so far led by Japan, but very close with the possibility of being dominated by China, are the axes around which tour almost all international trade.
In Latin America, besides the view, still far from complete integration, there is still uncertainty about the possibility of an extension of free trade in North America, which covers the rest of the hemisphere opposite to absorption by the Mercosur regional economies of some successful integration gradually between Mercosur and the Andean Pact.
The responsibility of Colombia has had in the creation and development of the Andean Group twisting forces the country to adopt a consistent policy on the future of their trade relations with its neighbors. You can not hide the fact that the current Andean Community has revolved almost exclusively around the trade between Colombia and Venezuela, countries that have maintained their momentum and, undoubtedly, are the biggest beneficiaries of this experience of integration.
Colombia has to bear an internal policy on sectoral development, whereby those sectors important to boost economic growth and employment generation. This, in turn, is linked with the need to strengthen productive infrastructure in line with the country’s economic needs, to be in a position to comply with obligations in terms of integration and free trade obligations, which generate some benefits, To date, our economy has been unable to take advantage.
This country was referred to the urgent need to prioritize its foreign policy both commercial and political relations, as it is not possible to continue spreading so much effort into wanting to do everything at once, leading to a huge confusion of the international agenda in Colombia. We have not heard, until now, these efforts must concentrate on strengthening bilateral relations with Venezuela, the preferential attention to the Andean Community, the prospect of continental integration in the approach to the European Union in the still Gas reality of the Pacific Rim, or the always complex relations with the United States. While no clear definition of our priority concerns, you can not seriously address the challenges of trade integration.
Are not enough, the definition of priorities and a minimum of continuity in action on trade policy with foreign countries. It requires a coherent and effective institutional management for success. The speed with which imposed trade liberalization, combined with the traditional administrative confusion in the country, has led to the proliferation of private and government spokesmen, with the obvious consequence that no official agency feels responsible, ultimately, policy commercial. It has never been able to concentrate in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs coordinated the various aspects of foreign policy, including trade policy, and even the creation of appropriate Ministry of Foreign Trade has served to clarify responsibilities and establish a national policy respect, different from the divergent policies of different ministries.
5. RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES
No doubt that bilateral relations between Colombia and the U.S. have deteriorat
ed, even greater than experienced in 1903 with the separation of Panama, the loss of the canal and the waterway, so significant for the country’s integration at the global level. Today, ad portas XXI century, tensions on the occasion of the problem of illicit drugs and organized crime, seriously affect bilateral relations and engage in a very negative real incorporation of Colombia in the new world that has emerged as a result of end of the Cold War and the advanced process of globalization.
The issue of relations with the United States can no longer be treated with immature emotionalism that has characterized the official reactions in recent years. We must accept the fact that these relations have always been and will remain, with certain types of circumstances, asymmetrical relations, which must be handled with full awareness of this essential feature. Without ever leaving the concept of national dignity, which can not be limited to burning flags and use of offensive epithets, we must develop a professional and serious diplomacy, based on collaboration and the need to find space for the defense of national interests . The merits of an efficient diplomacy is not manifest in relations with countries weak and of little influence, but strong nations and capable of determining the course of world events.
With regard to relations with the United States, in addition to this factor of inequality, there is a huge additional difficulty of the dispersion of the decision centers on the international front that characterizes the American political system. This phenomenon has led, unconsciously, to act with a similar spread in contacts with various social, political and economic of the country’s north, which do not contribute to generating a mutual respect and trust.
As the weakness of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been a constant in our political life, has never been a lead agency and coordinator of our foreign policy, let alone the United States, against which all national characters and all groups social feel entitled to say, with the inevitable disruption that this causes.
Our future relations with that country require reliability, research, professionalism and continuity. The constant change of diplomatic envoys, the ease with which our authorities are saying about these relationships and situational motivation and small domestic politics that determine, in general, our attitude with the United States, are vices that need to change in the future.
However, the geopolitical situation of our country follows, logically, that the commercial and political relationship with the United States is very important. The United States will remain our best buyer and best seller and, therefore, we must continue developing economic arrangements that provide stability to the business relationship. Use should be studying and working to link Colombia to NAFTA, for, later, reach a certain independence to the integration of the Americas, FTAA.
But more importantly for the future of our relations with other States is to build a relationship of trust and institutional policy to allow the challenges of a complex relationship more daring and less defensive. In order to build a trusting relationship, Colombia, as a State, shall promote the study of the functioning of American foreign policy and to understand in a more comprehensive and accurate guide that the possibilities of bilateral relationship.
