Deregulation of social

WORKS SOCIAL

(Update of the work of O. Social Deregulation) Author:
Dr. Antonio P.J. Sirin
Cardo Medical – angiologists; Medical Specialist in Occupational Medicine, Geriatrician, Medical Auditor SADAM recognized by
Ex – Ara Coordinator Polyclinic Medical Clinic Central Rail
Former Acting Director of the Municipal Hospital “Dr. Raul F, Larcade “
Ex – President of the Mutual Aid Society Staff General Belgrano Railway,
Ex – General Manager of Medical Benefits of INOS
Ex – Delegate normalization of Social Work Staff in the wine
Ad Donore Medical Advisor of the Legislature of the Porteña
Trustee Management Medical Benefits of SSSalud.

HISTORY

The affiliation of labor unions, has a direct parallel with the industrial development prospects of the country. Thus we see that in the United States statistics show us your progress: the number of members increases from 1900, shows a slow but steady progress through the first world war, then increases sharply during the same and remains in years. Undergoes rapid decline and stagnation in the 20s, again recovered sharply during the New Deal period, which followed the Great Depression and experienced a great expansion during World War II, and then entered a plateau of growth. This is what happens in countries that not only mishandled the economy, but with a sense of reality.

From the colonial era where the term “charity” was the most suitable for this activity, the religious motivation that it implied, was practiced by those who selflessly dedicated themselves to such activities for the needy in mostly by private enterprise with little or no participation by the State until the end of the eighteenth century.

In that period, confraternities, guilds and fraternities were the first forms of organized social welfare and assistance. All these terms have served only to introduce a continuous development of human concern to alleviate the suffering of others and of providing that “protection” to get the physical and spiritual welfare of those in need at certain times. Each of these institutions has emerged as an attempt to try to improve what exists.

The second stage will glimpse slowly but steadily since the early nineteenth century, with a warm state in social policy initiative that will move to the private sector, and in 1822 created the “Charitable Society and new hospitals and nursing homes . In those moments will be granted “graciously” benefits shooting involving an attempt to fix something without being able to build a real social policy stable. No such provision was suspected of “ex gratia” would, at some point, in a citizen’s right, protected by laws and public institutions. However, already beginning to set guidelines that would be the beginning of our retirement legislation:

1 .- The number of benefits in pay caps.
2 .- The non-accrual of benefits.
3 .- The limit on the enjoyment of the benefits, except for the mothers of those killed in defense of the homeland.

This comes after a history rich in social protection processes, from the year 1944 where it is processed Social Assistance in Social Security. It was the Social Justice which was established in the abutment foundation of a new law based on the dignity of the person to meet basic needs of man needed more deprived, and so far only “protected” by philanthropy, charity and charity.

It then comes to the creation of “Social Work” (OOSS), which both mean in its generic sense and in its organizational or institutional structure. Germinal Rodriguez helps provide definition whereas “mutualism, cooperation, recreational and legal aid.” These definitions are not exhaustive and reality tend to be overcome.

You can not overlook that given the evolution of the process, it was time to integrate and coordinate efforts among state formed Social Work, Unions and Associations Mutual. Is achieved then what was the most appropriate action to fill these high expectations, the creation of the National Institute of Social Work which aims, objectives and structure was set by the No 18 610.

Is this time, which in Article 12, expresses “the INOS will aim to promote, coordinate, integrate the activities of social work, and controls on its technical, administrative, financial and accounting.” Articles l and 2nd welfare activities relating to, one can thus identify with the above in its objective controller.

The synthesis of a tight social right of humanitarian coexistence has been the subject of these lines, discarding many historical landmarks as presently constituted, but leaving as baggage these struggles carried out to benefit the disadvantaged of this globalization that seems to forget contempt, Legal and Christian welfare that it is up to those trying to live.

The right to health

We can define it as a substantial part of human rights and restrictions must be respected without being left out of the market and adjust policies.

So we must consider the rights of the people related to health can be listed as:

V the right to be healthy: This includes the right to work, education and food.
v The problems that hinder this right are social: As the marginalization, unemployment, poverty and neglect.
v The right to prompt medical attention: That is what is hindered by obstacles of health care systems related to accessibility and coverage.
v The right to participate collectively in the development and implementation of health programs in defense of everyday medical care and prevention programs.
v Right to Care about the commercialization and provision is made in solidarity.
v The right to be treated by applying the advances of modern medicine and technology, and not to be used as a testbed for research modern drugs still unproven, without real consent.
v The right to be using the methods of diagnosis, estrictions complete without peer, to avoid expenses, which are such that health is not spent is invested for the sole fact prevent complications, the resources invested properly.
v Right to equity on the thought of efficiency. Should increase efficiency without losing the effectiveness of treatment. In the public health care can not be based on the premise all contain costs and to increase efficiency, and forgetful of the fundamental interests of improving health.

Definitions momentous Health Policy

The rulers of countries like ours, developing that have not yet assumed the responsibility that they bear in ensuring the right to health.

It should comply with basic services by providing a system of compulsory attendance monitoring progress from the state.

You can not accept proposals that involve policies that target we will fragment society into groups with different possibilities of access to health care, with the only factor respect to purchasing and economic power. Planning must be aimed at achieving universal coverage.

You must concoct a health policy without sins and without exclusions. Must be fair and equitable and to reach all corners of the country.

In his writing can not be left to increased unemployment and underemployment,

The fall in purchasing power is not just middle class but everyone who works. Can not be disregarded in the drafting of public health law led to the collapse of Social Work and the PAMI, either a corruption or inefficiency.

You must also erased the concept of individualism, the welfare of society must not fall within the private sphere, with the individuals themselves who must satisfy the well-being. The so-called “equal opportunity” must be understood as also equal individual resources, stop to think that it is not like living in the City of Buenos Aires in Tilcara. For more intelligent than a child born in a village in the interior is, is equality and education, and health, and to work out.

In the grounds of health law, no individual must contemplate possibilities, philosophical thought should be established based
on best medical practice possible, taking into account the scarcity of resources to deal. But equally no longer hold that before the crisis that is in crisis is a building called the hospital, which is in crisis is a human being called sick without the resources to cure their suffering.

With the policies implemented so far, which it was achieved is the inequality that far from acting as a stimulus to progress has been that they have more to enhance their profits and increases with fewer problems.

Today we are faced with the reality of economic liberalism, and a major consequence is the massive increase in population without social security cover so that the public hospital is overwhelmed by the demand of the majority population group.

Follow the course of the last ten years, is to ignore the right to health, abandon core principles of solidarity and equality, if we continue commercializing the area of health and return to the old scheme of charitable handouts overcome periods from the law 18 610, is to return to the days where the poor received some help from the better off economically, without this we mean any vested rights.

With fear and concern that we observe today is located to be sick as a commodity by subjecting it to market swings. Knowing that the laws of the market are purely individualistic nature against what should be a supportive health system and equitable. Is to apply economic fundamentalism and the expression becomes citizen user, consumer or purchaser of services. To those who defend these assumptions has little solidarity. As you can see the need for change is really urgent to a partnership model, ethical, equitable and universal.

PERSPECTIVE OF THE ECONOMIC CRISIS IN HEALTH

The country is immersed for more than ten years amid an economic depression between the third quarter of 1998 and the first of 2001 the fall in GDP has been higher than 11%. Therefore, we encounter daily in some region of the country spend hundreds of people to increase the unemployment rate. We also believe that many companies decide to end forced by circumstances and ask their operations into bankruptcy or into receivership. Without deciding the salary reductions up to 25% of the worker’s income, whether justified or not.

In addition to this we have seen an increase in social protest, embodied in blockades, strikes, occupation of public places, etc.. With the unflinching eye, and the incompetence of those in power.
The New Majority consultant conducted a study that shows the monthly evolution of the blocking of roads and public roads since 1997, which is worth examining because it marks a frank increase from 1998

YEAR
ANNUAL
AVERAGE MONTHLY
1997
140
11
1998
51
4
1999
252
21
2000
514
42
2001 (through May)
323
64
1997-2001
1280
24

The other indicator that we should examine to assess the state of unrest is the amount of general strikes produced. Considered by our government during the Alfonsin period were 13 strikes, with an average of one every three months, the Menem government in August, giving an average of one every 15 months, and during the last government of Dela frustrated Rua 6, average of one every three months.

Another verifiable fact is that the first general strike during Alfonsin’s government came after nine months of government, Menem’s Peronist government was the conflict occurred after 40 months, and the De la Rua could handle status for only three months, to support after that period the first general strike.

Correlation between unemployment and poverty.

The difficult economic situation in Argentina is also evident in the continuing rise in the unemployment rate and levels of poverty and destitution. With a workforce of just over 14 million people, approximately 2 million were unemployed at the date of this evaluation. We see that this is a dynamic deterioration, as from May 1991 to October 2000, the unemployment rate for the whole country increased by 113%, from 6.9% to 14.7%. This tells us that more than 1.2 million people have moved to the category of unemployed in nine years.

The new social scene desfinanciación deepened by the health system and the changing role of the state, which leads to fragmentation, social exclusion.

Far has been the target and the thought of the rich history of social protection processes, developed in Argentina, made by individual and collective struggles of groups of people until the year 1944 with what was achieved by transforming the Social Assistance in Social Security. It was the era where social justice was the founding pillar of the new law, based on the dignity of the person in order to meet the basic and essential needs of man dispossessed, and so far only “protected” by philanthropy, welfare and charity.

It was then the constitution of OOSS meant so much in its generic sense and in its organizational or institutional structure. As a result of all this is achieved the creation of the National Institute of Social Work which aims, objectives and structure was fixed by law No 18 610. In its evolution was replaced by Law 22 269, which although more strictly controlled development of its activities, had a fundamental reality to allow the management of funds inherent in the register of members, without direct intervention from the national treasury or entities linked to the collection that makes an arbitrary distribution.

With the Decree No. 446/2000 of 06.06.1900 amending law 23 660 and 23 661, and behind the curtain of the Deregulation of Social Work, was hiding the real aim of allowing the penetration of the liberal doctrine of privatization in the heart of the system to meet the requirements that have always been holding to a state disjointed and without economic or political forces, as were the government of Dr. Raul R. Alfonsin, in the last months of his term, and the government of Dr. Fernando De la Rua, against which the International Monetary Fund, through the strategies promoted by the World Bank to impose treatment.

At the end of President Raul Alfonsin, just three months before the election, where he was victorious Dr. Menem, arguing that the World Bank had not complied with the agreed reforms leave it in full hyperinflation.

Free Choosing Social Work

The Decree No. 446/2000 06.06.2000 (amending law 23 660 and 23 661)
The main points of the new system are:

· Be able to choose health coverage from health plans, prepaid and companies formed specifically for this purpose.
• In no case may reject any affiliate.
• Do not be waiting periods or exclusions for health coverage.
• Do not be extra fees, except for coverages higher than that required by law.
· It may change only once a year for business or social work.
• In the event of dismissal is mandatory health coverage for three months thereafter.

Features the state's economy

The State, in itself, is a general construction that represents the organization of a nation. Capitalist states are represented democratically by governments and governmental institutions.
There are several functions that are attributed to the state in the modern economy, then the most important functions.

1 The Public Expenditure Management.

The first major function of the state, public expenditure management. Through state policies, defines the strategic priorities of the nation and identifies important areas where resources should be invested common citizens.

Generally the most important areas is handled public spending are:

Defense and National Security: Represented in the financing of the army, police and entities dedicated to the protection of citizens in general.

Justice: It consists in ensuring the legal integrity of citizens through law enforcement and the use of laws guaranteeing the principles of equality, free mobility and free enterprise in the nations.

Health, Social Security and Education: While these functions are not necessarily public, governments typically use part of their budgets in financing the social welfare of its citizens.

Basic infrastructure and energy management: This is another function that does not necessarily have to be covered publicly, but in general, nations set standards and policies to ensure economic performance through the provision of infrastructure and energy companies and citizens.

2. The regulation of economic activity.

The second major economic role of the state, is the constant control and monitoring of economic activity.

Economic regulation is made through three basic mechanisms.

1. Monetary policy: It involves managing the currency and the key economic variables through a central bank. Monetary policy seeks to promote economic growth through the management of variables such as interest rate, money supply (amount of money in the economy), issuance of money (backed) etc.

2. Fiscal policy: The use of taxes and taxes in the nation.

3. Regulatory policy: is to ensure fair competition and prevent abuse in the general economic activity. It includes the areas of corporate control, anti regulation – monopolies, consumer protection, etc. Government audit.

STATE
Regulate economic activity
MANAGE PUBLIC SPENDING
Finance its expenditures
MANAGE THE TAXES
TAX POLICY DETERMINES

3. Financing of National Expenditure:

To finance their spending states have two options:

1. Using the nation’s current income: Income: Taxes, fees, permits, licenses, services etc, which are the product of government activity.

2. Obtain resources through debt: financing schemes of the states come from: Issuance of bonds, public debt (external or internal), with the multilateral bank loans or private loans of last resort.
Note: In the modern economy, the issue of money without backing of the Central Bank is not permitted, so the creation of money is not a source of funding.

4. The management of national collections:
The revenue administration is the following function of the state. This role is to cherish the nation’s resources and create a reserve fund. The what is commonly known as “International Reserves of the Nation.”

International reserves are the general guarantee that the state is able to meet its international commitments and that is susceptible to external credit.

The debt ratings of nations, are very sensitive to the amount of reserves of a nation, to verify their ability to pay. At present, the case of Argentina is a clear deterioration of the country’s international reserves.

5. The determination of tax policy.

The last function of importance of the state is determining the level of taxes and fees to be paid by its citizens.

Depending on the country, the determination of tax rates may come from the Congress (for countries with a high degree of centralization) or local governments (as in the case of federal governments).
There are also local or excise taxes (eg copper in Chile).

Note: Central governments usually manage direct taxes such as income tax or property, while the devolved authorities dealing with local taxes or indirect taxes.

To conclude:

The strength of the States, depends largely on the degree of maturity and responsibility that the State (represented by their leaders) will of the above variables of economic management of the nations.

A responsible management of the economic functions of state is a guarantee of prosperity and development for nations.

Deregulation of social work

Estariola

Anti-state prospects in vogue today, ahistorical and empirically false, since two angles are produced contradictory. One who affirms the universal panacea of the market, and the other a civil society actors facing the state. Such views contradict the one hand, trends in public opinion which rejects a kind of state bureaucratic and inefficient, but that requires an active role as a distribution agent and as a principle of national unity, and secondly, with the current weakness of the social actors.

The Latin American and international debate environment state reform has been fueled by different ideological visions included in the beginning, the idea of virtual disappearance, but later evolved to address notions of the state apparatus jibarización or administrative decentralization; reducing their functions to replace self-regulatory mechanisms – which always correspond to regulations from the centers of power in certain markets, reduction in resources for the sake of fiscal austerity, the need for automation and technologization to those defined as State modernization.

All these visions bias only address the problem and do not think the reform of the state with a comprehensive view. In fact, effective policies to modernize the State, including much-needed customer service, have been addressed from different angles, with strong anti-statist bias and looks shortsighted. Thus, we can state that prevailed in the continent to a process of dismantling or administrative reform which shifts the criteria of efficiency and productivity of the private sector to the public domain by the idea of substantive transformation of the state.

The passage of welfare policies in targeting policies, overshadowed the need for comprehensive state reform that would allow a better mix of emerging needs a long term view, for example, structural redistributive effects of social policies were guaranteed. This, in large part because of anti-statist criticism and resistance and interests that employers and trade union sectors show on the theme of state reform and, in general, about the dangers of increasing government spending and greater acceptance of tax burdens. Paradoxically then require the state social responsibilities without adequate funding, resulting in a critique of its slowness and inefficiency.

Remember that many of the political reforms made under the seal and the ideology of the adjustments may have had some success in solving the problems of short-term and reinserted the economy into the global system transnationalized. Also, in part, managed to separate the traditional relationship of subordination of the economy to politics. But they greatly increased inequalities, dismantled the mechanisms of protecting the weaker sections and action of workers, increased poverty and failed to restore a new relationship between socially regulated economy, politics and society.

From the need to mitigate the negative social and political settings, on the one hand, to correct an economic model that dissociates growth of social integration, second, and finally, reconstructing the socio-political systems in nature national, has been raising a new vision of government reform that tries to deviate from pure instrumental view: this is a joint replacement and state interference in the direction of development and real ability to allocate resources and meet regulatory functions all in the context of new relationships with society, especially the system of representation and the basis of incorporation of the stakeholders or, if you will, of civil society.

Ya B. Russel asked: How can we combine the necessary degree of individual initiative to progress to the degree of social cohesion necessary to survive? AND A. Hirschman completed: We’re not saying that development depends on the ability and determination of a country and its citizens to organize for development?

Notes, sources and resources

Of Politics and Society between two Epochs M. A. Garretón, Homo Sapiens, 2000, Rosario, Argentina

The capitalization of the new Bolivian government paradigm

Page 1 of 2

The first question asked by the citizens of new generations, is what is the capitalization? What does it mean for our country? How will the construction of the Bolivia’s new time

Capital is a paradigm / model response to a settled state. Arises from the situation of institutional breakdown, and in many cases financial-state public enterprises, and the marked inability of the state to lead the nation for courses of modernity.

At this point, had not given answers to the emergency situation of state enterprises. Although they had played a role first comprehensive, coordinated regional development of the Nation, on the other side were relegated to the point that was unbearable burdens on the State-entry and nineties, received the winds of a new business model , economic, political, social and regional and subregional integration: globalization and the mechanisms imposed by large-scale capitalism would not allow, however, the survival of SOEs as they were known / conceived before capitalization .

In this new logic the lack of state funds, whose coffers were almost exhausted after serious non-responsible processes of “modernization” and “privatization” of state enterprises, it is impossible for the state itself to respond to the crisis ENDE, LAB, ENFE, YPFB and ENTEL.

In the domestic private side, the same way, the bad always supported employers could not take care of those state enterprises that although promising long-term profitability, demanded the immediate injection of fresh money not only to rehabilitate and relaunched as competing in the domestic market, but to make them attractive in the eyes of foreign businessmen interested in investing in emerging items: hydrocarbon exploration, trade, air navigation and telecommunications.

Therefore, neither the State nor private could, at that time, and against a backdrop of national despair after a discretionary management of the state apparatus who drowned constrained to Bolivia and locked in a bitter and late twentieth century, giving answers Technical / policy to a concrete reality: the state apparatus was productive and service door of his own death.

The capitalization arises, then, as the paradigm that in the XXI century rescues the once powerful national state companies and turns them into efficient, effective and highly competitive business of managed services for citizens with strong management models of synergistic and proactive leadership.

Of course they have not been up capitalization and foreign capital to enjoy sufficient rationality and mobility never have directed their investments to state enterprises in deficit conditions. Or less to invest in companies with no possibility of return mediate.

To understand and grasp the capitalization process in Bolivia is necessary to understand the social, political and particularly economic environment in which the Republic was before capitalization.

The crisis of the productive Bolivian next to the exhaustion of its agricultural model of exploitation, in addition to the virtual bankruptcy of the system of mono-mineral production for international markets are not competitive, and where there was the possibility to diversify, a scenario with negative macroeconomic indicators. Cornering in this way any initiative that does not begin for a profound reform of the state itself.

In addition, there was crisis in the private system of production, cessation of the state institutional apparatus that served as lead plaintiff of goods and services. The reform was introduced in 1993 reduced the concept of state primarily prebendal / consumer, taking the first steps of what years later, in late 1995 – will be consolidated as a state make norms and regulator.

Another factor that accelerated the integration of the capitalization process as an instrument of economic and political transformation of the Bolivian state was rampant globalization and specialization of the economy, devastating the country without “models” modern management, administration, management finance and long-standing bureaucratic

The inertia in regional integration mechanisms and sub-outdated technology and competence levels of information were forced to re / think the progress of society from a profound revolution brought about, overall, the capitalization model that allowed disposal of State since 1952, encouraged: a policy of state intervention in production and thus negate the private imagination and giving rise to a range of “business” of the State, managed with technical criteria rather than sectarian.

The economies of scale favored by the state paternalism situational a scenario where the economy was focused solely on the basis of production and services to state enterprises, managed without criteria of profitability, much less responsibility.

With the “ultimately” unreal “ease” financial favored by many years by major state enterprises that remained inept government for decades to shift the tax burden on civil society level fell to virtually zero, leaving side as the main source are the taxes for the support of the state, generating a surplus discretionary management of public entities.

In the process of irresponsibility and waste of funds, COMIBOL and YPFB absorbed the insolvency of the entire state apparatus, which almost led to a technical bankruptcy / financial COMIBOL and delays in research and development of YPFB exploration.

It is a pernicious false note vegetative growth of the public administration but without instruments competitiveness and leadership.

With the disintegration of the once powerful CBF and the impracticality of development corporations in the departments attached to the social polarity between a clear focus return to dictatorship, and the inability of the parties in carrying out state models that meet citizens of the new time requirements, emerges as the capitalization process-response model and paradigm of the new Bolivian government.

CAPITAL IS PRIVATIZATION?

The capitalization is in contrast to those criteria that the brand as privatization for the reason that the State, at the time, assured the new generations of Bolivians to have “strategic” firms at a rate that promotes a modern sovereignty viable, because the investment in stock options capitalization is shared between international investors to the state.

Privatization is, however, a procedure in which the state sells its enterprises considered strategic and manage-of the overnight-a huge capital for the value of sales of state enterprises and that capital is wasted unsustainable social spending in a very short time, then produced a devastating effect on the Republic: getting rid of basic monopolistic companies (oil, transport, telecommunications) and unviable future generations by lack of financial resources.

In any case, Bolivia has tried to make the privatization process of state enterprises, including the gubernatorial period 1989-1993, it has not only created deep dissatisfaction citizens, but are covered with a veil of corrupt practice repugnant.

The main feature of the capitalization is the association of efforts: first foreign capital, fresh, and based on planned investments and for profitability. On the other hand civil society, citizens themselves have become involved in the process for the first time in the history of the Republic, to be considered shareholders capitalized companies.

Today there are suitable management mechanisms of these actions managed by Pension Fund Managers, whose responsibility is to look after the money of the shares representing nearly 1.5 billion dollars, same as the multiplier effect of economies of scale in services and products the capitalized can multiply easily in a capital of five billion dollars over the next six years.

With the cap the state has not sold anything. Not getting rid of any of its strategic state enterprises, as had happened in a sale or “privatization”, what he did was to acquire new international capit
al, while retaining business, increasing their assets and relaunched as competitive enterprises in their respective areas.

THE LAW OF CAPITAL

Several have been citizens who have led movements to disqualify the Capitalization Law, and the process itself, coming up to label as “damned law”, just because they did not understand that capital does not mean the sale of state enterprises.

The capitalization has not only been successful in companies subject to the process, but has allowed the State to perform a task which had hitherto kept dozing: collecting taxes, and the adjustment of the high levels of tax evasion. Logically, it is a process and as such subject to perfection. But before the cap was very easy for governments to shift funds to draw on state-owned enterprises without even set the level of taxes it collected, having generated a vicious circle, as discussed above, resulted in the bankruptcy practice and self- inviabilización of state enterprises and maddening levels of tax evasion.

The No 1544 signed by President of the Republic on March 21, 1994, essentially gave the executive branch the right to administer assets of the companies listed as part of a joint stock company.

It allowed the state to keep 50% of the shares of companies subject product to the process and the rest of the stake put on sale to interested parties around the world, after determining the carrying value of the assets of companies and legal restructuring of these companies turning them into mixed economy with free equity, where the workers themselves became shareholders (YPFB case where former employees are shareholders in companies capitalized) to 50% of the shares, and issuance and sale of the remaining 50% of the shares to investors whose companies have been selected in an international bidding process.

Investors who were awarded 50% package of shares in each of the state-owned enterprises paid the capital stock for cash at a value of nearly 1.67 billion dollars in the eyes of financial analysts was the largest flow of private money to the national treasury in the history of Bolivia.

The capitalization process was completed when 50% of the shares for the state in each of the capitalized became directly managed by an international investment bank, the Cititrust Limited, while the payment period lasted in Bolivia the Pension Fund Administrators.

Of course international investors received the administration management of each of the capital-guaranteed investments to prevent the process is distorted and the State also legislated a system of sectoral regulation [SIRESE] creating the effect of normative regulation Superintendents in telecommunications, oil, electricity, transport, water, natural resources and environment.

That definitely broke significant step outline of State / State employer strictly make norms and regulator, ensuring both investors as users / citizens that products / services capitalized companies are developed under the aegis of competitiveness and total quality criteria.

Sector-specific regulation schemes has broken a fragile archaic “institutional” government, has achieved as a side effect of the capitalization, by Law 1600 of October 28, 1994 that both the structure of tariffs on services and standards of these be determined with a level of technical rationality, as opposed to “system” quirks and paternalism that was in time of grant rates.

Also, for the first time, the role of State is directed to monitoring as a new element which results in the confidence of international investors, and the relaunch of the state itself started to engage in what we always should have done: serve to its citizens.

The capitalization also encouraged older generations of Bolivians to pay the solidarity bonus [BONOSOL], a perpetual annual amount payable over 65 years, in the amount of $ 220 in your first payment to cover the amount reached almost a quarter of a million citizens. For the collective social memory not only meant a claim but a clear effect of a process of renewal and hitherto unknown.

The case of YPFB YPFB is perhaps most significant in the process of capitalization.

The YPFB capitalization represented pre-founded a company under the lofty vision of citizens as dowsing Dionisio explore Foianini-reached only 10% of hydrocarbon territory of the country.

The bureaucratic and ossified “model” kept him from greater management challenges. Neither technically much less in the institutional enabled, for example, the production exceeded the barrier of 25 000 bpd.

The oil infrastructure in storage, gas plants, mining fields and refineries despite representing dollar investments were never within reach of real capacity to be permanently inflated and oversized for payroll of employees with discretionary management constituted a completely state-owned negative terms of management.

Another factor that hastened a process of YPFB capitalization was the fact that at that time the World Bank was not attractive to finance state projects in oil [exploration and exploitation], given the bad signs of ‘corruption’ previous prevailing Governments in 1993 and the high costs of doing as opposed to the private sector.

The high levels of obsolescence in equipment, low investment in exploration and a staff of employees permanently inflated by charges of political parties YPFB ended up making a real “expensive undertaking,” tempered by a pseudo unionism that until a few days drowned before capitalization.

It is now established that Bolivia is a vocation rather than oil-gas resources, the challenge that arose before YPFB capitalization was to invest in that line of action, but never could accomplish what, given their inability open institutional markets, business deals and surplus gas transport infrastructure and institutional structure perforated by different sides.

Another of the weaknesses of the sector was the lack of regulatory standards for hydrocarbons, no clear rules preventing foreign investment since the obcecante YPFB monopoly was not only ineffective, but prevented entry of fresh capital to a sector that is today Today the most important of the Republic, by the fallacy of this legal vacuum.

ENTEL The national telecommunications company [ENTEL] was born from the need to communicate to different cities each other, and mainly those with the entire world, hence in 1978 was opened and the earth station Tihuanacu departmental direct dialing system.

Nevertheless Bolivia as a country remained mired in slow progress and development in telecommunications.

For before capitalization Bolivia only had 250 000 telephone lines in service, high levels of unmet demand and the telephone density of 3 per 100 inhabitants.

The significant data before capitalization are that telephone density per 100 inhabitants was only 3.8 factor on the continent index 26.03, the cost of installing fixed lines of U.S. $ 1.500 against the least cost $ 70 in other countries in the region, investments in telecommunications development 2.50 per inhabitant per year, against more than 46 U.S. $ per inhabitant / year in the rest of the continent.

In that box was added: the telephone service in Bolivia cost almost ten times more than other countries in the region, complete isolation in terms of technology obsolescence of equipment operating with a peak ENTEL and U.S. $ 68 billion sale of telecommunications service in a year.

However the challenge for ENTEL, was then very large: open the country to communications and insert a competitive and globalized world of rapid advances in telecommunications, however, prevented the pitfalls that since less than $ 150 million investment in the period 1990 to 1995 and an important template unskilled employees completed the picture pre capitalization of ENTEL, resulting in only 50 populations of Bolivia were reported.

THE LAB The case of Lloyd Aereo Boliviano [LAB] is even more delicate to discuss. This state trading company founded in 1925 started operations from
a German aircraft Junkers JU f13, donated by German residents in La Paz.

By 1994 accumulated heavy losses from unprofitable segments were gradually reduced.

In 1995, LAB losses had accumulated so that they reached nearly $ 7 million not only by the lack of business management administrative criteria, but who incurred high costs of maintenance carried out in Costa Rica, a million dollars per year!

The LAB had a ghastly institutional framework, absolute discretion with the handling of tickets, with the charging system, high levels of claims for lost luggage, zero on-time service, irresponsible and non-technical acquisition of aircraft spare parts as generating high maintenance costs, debts AASANA, internal taxes and YPFB by the fuel consumption.

His small fleet of aircraft [Boeings of the sixties] not only that it did not meet expectations of the service, but more than once were hard put to continue to operate to the United States market, “star” of the LAB.

While it should save you even before capitalization rate never varied flight safety, the LAB being a carrier of the safest in the world.

ENDE ENDE’s case manages to resume the process of capital from two angles: first rescues his tenure as a public company with private management model criteria, that there was a veto power over executives and managers who kept the World Bank principal funder of it, and the other is discarded arbitrariness and unilateralism with which ENDE fixed price ranges of electrical energy by the absence of regulatory laws.

The capitalization is emerging as a concern in search not only the addition of fresh capital to NSDS, but in any case, exercising no legal power at that time to restructure the system of electric energy concessions to make it cheaper for end users and major goals for the Bolivian market expansion both in generation as in distribution, ignoring the subsidies to privileged sectors hitherto common practice.

ENFE The state of the nearly 3,000 kilometers of railways in the country was unfortunate, indeed the service that the national railway company [ENFE] paid in the two key branches: red oriental, western network, in addition to rolling stock represented a set of machines that were not only obsolete, but it had not been renewed ever your maintenance and repair costs in most cases were not covered with their own revenues of the company.

The stations, both operationally and in architecture were not designed, nor less reconditioned, as true lines of development in transport.

They were simple sheds away from the cities.

However the company was given the luxury of having almost 5,000 employees without sufficient professional qualifications, unskilled staff and unions grouped in a lousy climate generated under a quasi-executive union dictatorship.

The corruption and high levels of discretionary management of the company that generated’s western reaches bankrupt, financial fact that almost drags the eastern network. The western network lost its neglect to market their almost exclusive monopoly of transporting goods to Chile, because the mining companies began to prefer for retail costs and time the service via road.

Both importing and exporting wheat soy and minerals received preferential treatment in terms of fees, having drilled, practically, the finances of the already ailing company to accumulate liabilities reached nearly 200 million dollars!

THE STATE CAPITAL POST-

With the cap-and-sustentfundamental in regulating a new model of State inaugurated the twenty-first century.

Open the new era in which former state enterprises were absurd models of sovereignty of the impossible, and forces released a groundbreaking private capitalism / evolver, productive and multiplier effects.

Case Capitalization of YPFB YPFB YPFB is paradigmatic.

It turns out the operation from throughout the injection process of capital to the national economy.

Initially before the procedure per se, the state defined for the first time in history a true state policy on hydrocarbons: a triangle that took into account energy legislation, oil, gas exports and the capitalization of the sector.

The expectation was enormous: nearly 40 companies and international holding companies were presented to the selection of strategic partners for the units of exploration, transportation, distribution and operation of YPFB.

Previously formed three companies with state and private actions: SAM Petrolera Andina company, capitalized by the strategic partner consortium led by YPFArgentina-Perez Companc-PlusPetrol with a contribution of $ 265 million, exceeding by nearly 200 times the value book of that exploration and production unit of YPFB.

The second company, also in charge of exploration and production company, was receiving SAM Petrolera Chaco strategic partner to the Amoco Petroleum corporation that made the largest contribution of capital, exceeding $ 305 million equivalent to more than 200 times the book value of the former unit of YPFB.

Finally, the third strategic partner capitalist was the Enron consortium – Shell Overseas Holding, which contributed $ 263 million for the capitalization of the so-called Transredes (pipeline transporting SAM).

International investments in the oil sector accounted for only in exploration, production and pipeline transportation, figures of around $ 850 million injected into two oil blocks in which Bolivia is divided.

The partners were chosen capitalizing widely discussed technical criteria and international demand: they have requested expertise in oil operations, a net worth of one billion dollars (for the capitalizing of Chaco SAM) and not less than 500 million for the Andean capitalized SAM, in addition to being certified as producers of crude by 20 million dollars annually. A partner who capitalized on the pipelines, similarly, must prove a net worth exceeding $ 800 million and have experience in administration and management of pipeline transportation of hydrocarbons.

Taxation THE State went benefited as production royalties to government coffers represent the equivalent of 18% in value, having a greater surplus for the state tax on the sale of gas to Brazil and other markets.

Residual YPFB has been with the administration of refineries, storage services, engarrafado, air and fuel services as a wholesale marketer of oil in national territory ultimate units with the help of strategic partners and capitalizing own former employees and employees are to be in business units making them more efficient and competitive.

The capitalization today allows the government to negotiate with employers in California, United States interested in buying Bolivian gas at competitive prices, to build a second pipeline to Brazil and opening more markets beyond the Pacific Ocean, operations that in no way had been opened without the contribution of international capital, given the inability of precapitalización YPFB to invest funds that were impossible to obtain on their own.

The fresh money to the national economy, construction of pipelines and the multiplier effect of raising levels of capitalization allowed macroeconomic as well as pointing the way to Bolivia country with a natural vocation and gas drilling, allowing new generations to have sufficient resources to allow to further build the Bolivia of the new time.

The technological contribution of foreign partners envisions a country quite competitive in terms of hydrocarbons, in addition to the responsibility of the State as an entity that make norms and regulatory oversight through the sponsoring powers for clear rules, incentives for research and market development , leadership in manufacturing and services and fundamentally changing the industry benefiting both society as a whole.

Case ENTEL $ 610 million are provided by Euro Telecom International NV Stet Italy as a new strategic partner of ENTEL.

Investment Italian operator allowed to increase the national telephone incor
porating more than 300 towns with more than 5,000 public telephones nonexistent “before meeting almost 90% of traffic from internal and external calls.

The entrance of cellular telephony, data transmission, Internet connections and GSM mobile communication systems have replaced old equipment maintained until then by the state ENTEL.

The development of fiber optic projects, expansion of user services, increased cell geometric and development of international trafficking networks have catapulted the country into a new era in telecommunications.

Similarly investment in telecommunications mediated capitalization has been made in a short space of time 1995-2001 the nine departmental capitals and important intermediate cities have access to cellular, Internet, data transmission and laying of optical fiber that allows Bolivia to be a bridge between two oceans.

Today, a couple of months of market deregulation of the telecommunications monopoly in cities around the country, controlled by co-ENTEL strategic partner has succeeded not only increase user satisfaction levels, but allowed a real revolution Access to communications in previously isolated rural populations.

In the administrative management has revolutionized ENTEL, too, his classic stance of “booty” to become a partisan operator excellent levels of competitiveness and management leadership, harnessing the potential of Bolivian and foreign professionals.

With the deregulation of the market, in November, you can measure the total amount of capitalization and its multiplier effect on the national economy, as it will stimulate competition between operators and end with a mediocre phone system so questioned cooperative handling major cities (see the successive Cotel government intervention in La Paz, for example).

The Euro Telecom International NV Stet Italy was selected in a rigorous qualification process, which required the Bolivian state to come and be the strategic partner a yield of two billion dollars, excellent collection and a long-standing credit service performance in telecommunications.

Case capitalizing LAB The process continued with the Lloyd Aereo Boliviano whose strategic partner, the Sao Paolo Air Viacao VASP provided a total of $ 47 million to strengthen a sagging LAB.

The contributions of the Brazilian partner were $ 5 million in cash and cash, the purchase of Boeing aircraft specially equipped for the LAB and other additional rent two Boeing aircraft.

CONCLUSIONS

Education sector analysis

Education and Growth

Here are some elements that may be relevant to the design of policies for the education sector, but have not been sufficiently exploited, as is the case of intellectual attributes and other mechanisms that explicitly or tacitly help build the social and economic fabric of a nation, and each region in particular.

I. Education as a public good.

Given that a public good must be non-rival and non-exclusive, we consider the problem of cataloging education within this well because, in our view, the mere fact of occupying a physical space as an educational facility, or a desk in a classroom, excluding the provision of those goods to other persons who for obvious reasons can not occupy the space. I start from this point to state that since its foundation, have theoretical flaws that elemental nature should not be overlooked and that certainly influence the shape and development of policies for the provision of those goods. Tables coverage, attendance, illiteracy and efficiency, along with their descriptions at the end of this paper will help to contextualize the current situation.

Given the above, it seems appropriate to speak of education as a public good with special features – as it has greater clarity about the same or policies designed as conforming more to the specifics of that well- .

II. Structure of the education sector. (SECONDARY)

Currently, the education sector faces structural problems, rather than functional, and this may become evident in view of the same elements that characterize the crisis in the public sector in general and are not fully aware of the seriousness of this problem, a growing imbalance in the short-term non-adjustable (as long as spending continues to be inelastic with respect to income); An inflexible tax system and low tax capacity. [1] The government’s current revenues do not reach to cover part of the cost: in 1980, 86% in 1996, 57%. Of course, the above must be added the effects of the use and misallocation of resources.

As this brief analysis of the problem, too, the government used tools for their solution, are similar in several areas of public sector, and initially thought to increase taxation, indebtedness, reallocating spending sector, using the financial surplus of decentralized entities, and the sale of assets [2]. I believe that this general scheme should be revalued specifically for each sector as it runs the serious risk to ignore the specificities of each and this may lead to new problems. Moreover, such measures have not openly into account international criteria for the assessment of tax effort for the key point seems to me, and it is the relationship between cash collection and the collection potential, and in the education sector, I believe, is something that should not be overlooked, and should go well is an economic study to assess social and cultural conditions of the affected population (in this case students)

III. Characteristics of the crisis in education (SECONDARY)

Specifically in the sector, there are limitations of various types:

Through Act 115 of 1994, the government granted autonomy from administrative management to local authorities, but does not provide tools for human and financial resources. There is no coordination between the various entities that make development plans, as the different levels of government, and the school. The Ministry of Education and departmental secretaries are weak bodies in planning, evaluation and monitoring of policies for the sector. There is no quality control on the information obtained.

The Ministry of Education does not have instruments of control over transfers, which are issued by the Ministry of Finance. The municipalities do not have a teaching staff management, administrative infrastructure or information systems, thus, departmental levels of government tacitly assume municipal responsibilities. Decentralization has not yet reached the educational institutions.

To overcome this crisis, the commission of rationalization of expenditure in 1997 makes a number of recommendations among which are:

A. Reorientation of human and financial resources in both the central government in the territorial governments.
B. Transfers allocated to the sector first, then through a territorial allocation scheme by the number of students enrolled (capitation)
C. Additional allocation to the education sector, from sectors such as culture and recreation.

These measures are generally to match spending with the cost of service (cost of one student per year) and people really cared (registered) but, in general terms is not clear vital issues as:

What good are the transfers allocated to a sector (culture) if subsequently reallocated to any other?.
How can transfers be allocated?
How to determine the exact amount thereof when so many interests and needs?

The assignment problem requires a strategic planning work much harder and work equally in the creation of economic tools, and management and efficiency.

In this regard the committee raised a number of recommendations, among which are:

1. Redefining government educational institutions and schools as the core of the educational system. To this end we intend to extend the autonomy of financial, administrative, human and physical resources. Explore possibilities for self-financing and encouraging the work of teachers and staff through a reward system punishment.
This has serious limitations if the decentralization process is not sufficiently important as at present, as well, all the statements that are made difficult to overcome the walls of the territorial governments and the bureaucracy.

2. The departmental governments are responsible for payment and administration of teaching and administrative staff of educational establishments in their respective jurisdictions. This measure, as put forth by the commission, requires an assessment of the management of these, but it needs an information system to allow correct view of the sector.

3. Also seems appropriate that the national government is responsible for continuous improvement of education policies, based on expenditure tracking, evaluation of evidence-based quality students, educators, but also to officials of all levels. And the promotion of special programs in those subject areas, regions or functions where tests reveal problems.

Also think that would be relevant in this regard, conducting a test under these characteristics to students in third grade, but also (and despite the resulting expenditure) I think an assessment would be very useful at the level of eighth grade that allowed by a flexible, correct the course to improve the educational level of those who are currently part of the system and do not have simple considerations in future as they have been doing exams ICFES.

4. One aspect of care is the veiled attempt by the commission to end teacher strikes by state statutory law to enact the prevalence of children’s rights over any other, if the problems of expenditure on wages are frequently require a thorough and detailed study to guide resources and efforts more efficiently. Then I do not think that the best way to end such problems is the issue of laws being ignored.

Another important aspect considered by the committee is that the current salary system in the last decade allowed significant increases in the salaries of teachers and staff without being tied to quality requirements in the provision of services.

IV. Externalities.

Education’s positive externalities such as research, development and progress towards new technologies, which generally benefit the entire society are obviously part of these externalities, influence the behavior both present and future of the whole society, concessional or not, depending on the care they provide education policies.

However we refer to what is known as intellectual attributes [3] form a new measure of economic value of education, which
also provides social and cultural characteristics. Broadly speaking, it is called intellectual attributes to capabilities that generate changes in the body of knowledge of individuals, so that attributes such as versatility, creativity and ability to communicate knowledge, encourage and allow the agent to achieve satisfactory levels of individual economic performance aggregate. Personal experience, social interaction within an institutional or organizational and education, which may be to involve these issues are the main sources of knowledge transformation and aggregation. Then said that “the economic value of a quality education is defined in accordance with the changes that occur in bodies of knowledge of people” [4]. It can be said according to the above, that education generates changes in people and hence the importance of addressing the educational system in line with the social environment and the individual. As we look within this framework, two types of knowledge: content knowledge, which defines an array of strategies available to the individual access and knowledge for the individual use is made of the tools and strategies in content knowledge, it is possible find the educational learning as the transformation of one or both types of knowledge, but that very little learning will promote development without generating new strategies. This is precisely what is not taken into account in the programs and policies in the education sector in the country. Such policies are almost exclusively the economic management of the sector and seek the economic, social and cultural life of it, completely ignoring relevant aspects of new educational concepts of the world such as the versatility, creativity and social recognition. I do not propose here to address these issues, but I needed a brief overview to contextualize and see the importance they deserve, or in my opinion, should merit “in educational policy development.

Versatility, one of the most important intellectual attributes can be defined as the ability to operate successfully in different spaces, and requires a flexible body of knowledge in that register or a comprehensive content strategy, or a few strategies but versatile [5]. The higher the development and specialization in a society, the lower the degree of versatility that require individuals and the greater the cost of the same [6]. This suggests that a society like Colombia and in an educational setting like this, can still run a versatile knowledge, but is not required by the world today. [7] Creativity in turn, defined as the ability to generate new strategies, requires that they be easily appropriated by the society, ie they are designed and adapted to it. In other words, requires the generation of knowledge in content, taking into account the economic, social, intellectual and of course cultural needs of each individual, something quite apart from formal education frameworks in Colombia.

The other factor into consideration, is the social recognition – like previous ones, a factor whose presence is a ghost, within existing policies, which have considerable importance when the individual knowledge depends to some degree, the recognition they have and it is what I believe, is currently the case, with such power to change the terms of versatility, creativity, experience and other factors builders of cognition. Social recognition is something that can develop and guide [8], but failure to do so, and worse, if not even taken into account, in my view, can lead to disastrous consequences so as to remove entire areas of knowledge or part of them. And I think that this is one of the dangers in the medium term certain areas of knowledge, both basic and higher education. This is the case of the arts, especially music and visual arts, the humanities, especially philosophy, anthropology, literature, philology, history and end all activities not entailing knowledge expressly for economic development country and in my view, tacitly require policies designed and implemented so far.

CONCLUSIONS

As I understand it, one of the major roles of government is to provide public goods and services, and public, must be the product of popular will, then do not share the interest in the progressive dismantling of public education is one of the objectives of education policy in the medium term. While it is true that sustain this sector has become increasingly problematic in financial and administrative terms, we believe, as set out in this essay, that solutions to these problems are precisely in the capacity of policy makers to innovate and adapt to social, economic and cultural gap. I therefore believe that the high volatility of public spending on education on income is the result of misunderstandings and little strategic approaches that ignore the external factors such as risk, rather than the need for reallocation of expenditure or increase it. These externalities they might internationalize if men were aware of the importance of it.

A question among many is not responding, compared to the proposals of better resource allocation, and strengthening the various levels of government, both needed to see it “and it is … How?.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

L World Bank. World Development Report 1998/99. Knowledge for Development. Editorial Mundiprensa. Madrid, 1999.
he Ministry of finance and public credit. Commission on rationalization of expenditure and public finances. Bogotá, 1997.
l R. Musgrave The theory of public finance. McGraw-Hill. New York, 1959.
l Website of the National Department of Planning and System database Socio Demographic Indicators (SISD): www.dnp.gov.co / SISD
l Riaga, Sergio

Gross domestic product evaluation and prospects

1. Introduction

The evolution of gross domestic product showed different characteristics to 1982 we can speak of a period of sustained growth, where it is only a year of falling output with 0.57% in 1958 and in 1983 it meant the fall highest in the history of Peru, this year it was a fall of 12.62% due to El Niño. But the real drop came during the three years were 1988-1990 where there were falls 8.35%, 11.66% and 5.39% respectively.

At the end of this nefarious episode had a positive year of growth which meant 2.8% in 1991, as we see it is not easy to establish a guideline channel positive or negative gross domestic product, which is why I mention by way of history evolution of GDP.

2. Gross Domestic Product

Definition

The Gross Domestic Product is the value of all final goods and services produced by a country in a given period. Understands the value of goods produced, such as housing, trade, services, government, transportation, etc. Each of these goods and services is valued at its market price and values are added up to GDP.

The final goods and Value Added

The GDP is the value of final goods and services produced. The purpose of insisting on the value of final goods and services is making sure not counted twice. For example we should not include the full price of a car in GDP and also include the value of the tires you bought the car manufacturer. The auto parts are sold to manufacturers are called intermediate goods, its value is not included in GDP. Another intermediate good is wheat used to make bread. In the GDP does not include the value of wheat sold to the miller or the value of the flour sold to bakers, but only the value of bread.

In practice, double counting is avoided by using the value added. At each stage of manufacture of goods, only included in GDP value added of the goods for that phase. The value of wheat produced by the farmer is part of GDP. The value of the flour sold by the Miller minus the cost of wheat is the value added of the miller. If we continue this process, we see that the sum of value added at each stage of production is equal to the value end of the bread sold.

Current Production

The GDP is the value of production during the reference period. He does not understand, then, the existing freight transactions, such as old paintings or existing homes. It comprises the construction of new housing, but not the sale of existing homes. Yes understood, however, the value of commissions charged by real estate agents for the sale of existing homes. The current agent provides a service by bringing the buyer and seller and that is part of the current production itself.

Market prices

The Gross Domestic Product valued assets at market prices. The market price of many goods including indirect taxes such as sales taxes and excise duties, so it’s not like the price charged by the seller of the property. The net price, which is the market price minus indirect taxes is the cost factor, which is the amount received by the factors of production that produced the good. The GDP is valued at market prices rather than factor cost.

Real GDP and the nominal

Real GDP measures the changes experienced by the physical production of the economy between different periods valuing all the goods produced in the two periods at the same prices, ie, in constant dollars.
The nominal GDP measures the value of production for a given period to the prices of that period or as sometimes said, in current dollars. For example, the 1993 nominal GDP measures the value of goods produced in 1993 at current market prices this year.

3. Gross Domestic Product as an indicator of our economy

(1950-1990)
First phase

The export started in 1950 and last approximately nine years. This includes two governments, those of Manuel Odria (1950-1956) and part of the period of Manuel Prado (1957-1962). During this period followed a liberal policy with regard to the field of economy. Clearly one can recognize at this stage a preponderance of mining exports, encouraged no doubt by the enactment of the Mining Code in 1950 and the Petroleum Act 1952.

At this time he experienced an influx of foreign capital that arrived in the then leader of the growing industry: mining. It meant that time a golden age for mineral exports, were the years of the Korean War and mineral prices were very high. In conclusion this time represented a haven for investors with regulated interest rates and a flexible tax system and tax exemptions, low tariffs and floating exchange rate.

Second Phase

The growth that we mention in section 2.1 was particularly dependent on the external sector, the minerals were determined precisely what price booms and falls of the product. In this situation it was necessary to create some way to get a sustained growth of the country. It then chooses to industrialize Peru, thus making it less dependent on outside and more of their manufacturing. And for this we created the “Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI).

In this manner the end of the Government of Prado in 1959 was promulgated the famous “Law of Industrial Promotion” Peru began a new phase of development which offered tax breaks to an exchange rate and favorable interest rates as a way encourage the industrialization of the economy.

This stage is reinforced by the first government of Fernando Belaunde (1963-1968) and the first phase of military rule (1968-1975), den where the degree of protection to the industry grew significantly, leading to creation of the National Register Manufacturing: where no product could be imported if it competed directly with one that occurred in Peru.

With these measures were entered into a protectionist regime controlled inflow of capital, tariff escalation and fixed exchange rate. The engine of the economy was the State, which came to control directly 30% of GDP.

The leadership in the manufacturing sector is accompanied by a growing fiscal deficit. In the late stage of the ISI (Import Substitution Industrialization) could see the arrival an intolerable situation, created a manufacturing sector is extremely dependent on the regulations that protected, plus the fixed exchange rate could no longer stand the strong pressure inflation to be sighted in the economic outlook
Third Phase

In 1975 he started the third period characterized by a long stagnation of GDP, inflation reached 30% per year, obviously the presence of an international crisis, the external sector was diluted, but still the importance of public enterprises not declined, nor the protection to the industry. Rather it is implemented then the certificate of export tax refund (CERTEX) as an Institute for the Promotion of Exports and thus resolve the problems presented in the external sector.

The state could no longer finance the investment with own resources, and in this age where external sources are used (debt). From the 80′s the country’s macroeconomic situation becomes bleak. You could even say that the economy was poor, as the ratio capital / output rose from 2.3 in 1950 to 3.8 in 1990.

If we add the start of the debt crisis during the second government of Fernando Belaunde (El Niño 1983) and the disastrous results of the administration of Alan García, to complete the dark picture of the 80s. During that decade, leaving the industrialization and there is a reprimarisation of the economy. The scheme finally ended with the incentives that had been imposed for the ISI and there is a return to the primary stage – Exporter. This is where there is a shock, but as a result of a natural phenomenon El Nino phenomenon of 1983 there was a decrease of 12.62% in our economy.

In 1985, with the government of Alan Garcia followed a heterodox stabilization plan was the outcome of all known: decrease in the levels of growth, soaring inflation and international isolation all very dangerous for a country whose history had shown as dependent on the outside. In this
government seeks revival through the stimulation of domestic demand, prices were frozen and grew until the second year, but after the third year the situation changed dramatically. It was definitely levels of inflation that destroyed any chance of attracting investment, in addition to the rise of terrorism.

Fourth Phase

In this period there is the unorthodox setting. First stabilize and then grow, was the premise that they had in mind policymakers. By 1990 inflation had reached levels really spectacular (3.600% per annum) could fight, for 1993 had declined significantly (40% annually).

4. National Context

In 1998, the national and the international economy was adversely affected their performance through a series of events such as El Niño, Asian and Brazilian crises, among others. Gross Domestic Product in the country, experienced in 1998 an increase of 0.3% over that recorded in 1997.

Excel the sharp decline in the fisheries and the reduction of industrial and commercial activities. In reference to agricultural production after an initial decline due to the effects of El Niño, the sector managed to recover and achieve a 3.6% growth, a figure surpassed only by the electricity sector (9.4%) and mining ( 4.8%), which thus became the fastest growing period in the primary sector.

The presence of El Niño, caused major disruption climatologies which had a direct impact on the productive sectors, which were forced to face these harsh conditions. Thus, in the first quarter presented some shortages, especially of agricultural products. In the second half of the year saw the depreciation of the new sun, even though the annual inflation rate was 6.0%. For the first time the accumulated depreciation (15.4%) was higher than inflation. The crisis in emerging markets by the impact of financial crisis Southwest Asia, Russia, Brazil, etc.. Depressed international prices of our main export products of 16.5% by diverting the flow of foreign capital and that this has meant a global shortage of capital in these countries.

In 1998, foreign portfolio investment declined by U.S. $ 42 billion, while short-term debts from abroad decreased by U.S. $ 2,069 during the same year. As a result, the availability of foreign currency resources for working capital was restricted significantly, resulting in imbalances in the money market.

This led to increased borrowing costs and accelerating the pace of devaluation and, consequently, the deterioration in real household income. A serious implication of this process was that limited the expansion of consumption and private investment so-called domestic demand, and undermined the ability to pay families.

Businesses to address this decline in demand chose to lower their inventories, reducing their investment levels and adjusting its growth prospects and reducing staff.

Magnitude of GDP in 1998

The monetary value of GDP in 1998 reached 183 000 PEN 179 million, a figure higher by 6.3% to 1997 level which was 172 000 389 000 000 nuevos soles. The value of the country’s production was derived from the effort of the various productive sectors such as Agriculture, Fishing, Mining, Industry, Construction, Trade, Transport and Services.

It is noted that the GDP at 1979 prices the primary sector accounts for 23% production increased by 2.1%, the secondary sector activities whose importance in GDP is 31% experienced a fall of -1.3%; and Services in the economy whose weight is 46% experienced a growth of 0.5%.
GDP Structure

Global Supply And Demand

The global supply of goods and services at constant 1979 prices, increased slightly by 0.3% due to the performance of its components, the Gross Domestic Product and Imports grew by 0.3 and 0.2 percent respectively .

On the supply side of GDP behavior was associated with changes that reflected the activities, electricity and water (9.4%), mining (4.8%) and agriculture, hunting and forestry (3.6 %) respectively. Also, for the slight growth in imports was based on the highest levels of food imports such as sugar, rice and soybean oil, and rolled products of iron and steel, parts and accessories of automatic data processing machines and information processing, as well as motor vehicles, crawler tractors and cultivators.

GDP in the Global Offering

The GDP from the point of view of production, is the value of final production free of duplication, obtained by the different productive sectors. This indicator in 1998 represents 85.6% of the Global Offering.

Final Destination of the Goods and Services

Among the goods and services in the economy in the year 1998 that are destined for final demand, can be seen that private consumption accounts for 61%, the consumption of government is involved in 8% to the gross capital formation or Investment accounts for 21% and 10% goes abroad as exports.
Composition of final demand

Sector Agropecuario

In 1998, gross domestic product of agricultural activity has maintained a positive trend, registering a year earlier, in spite of the presence of El Niño, which amended the weather conditions that affected the country’s agricultural performance. This growth is based on increasing agricultural production (2.0%), livestock (7.2%) and forestry (1.3 %).

PBI Activity According to Agriculture Subsectors: 1996-1998
(Percentage change)

The Bolivian land issue: the need for state policies

Add to agro Boliviano the competitive agricultural markets in the context of the FTAA requires state policies that encourage investment in this sector

There are new economic paradigms imposed by the new global capitalism and cibernetizado. Thus, the States will continue, more than ever-moving targets based on the economy, rather than on considerations of the social sector. It is obvious that those aspects relating to the societal task relating to production, industry, commerce, manufacturing, and of course the land are being constantly discussed not only by statesmen, deserve the attention of those who recognize that the market, to impose their strict guidelines for the place social, has established new guidelines for agriculture, in agriculture, agribusiness and agrosocial. Therefore, the land question in Bolivia is permanent and must be addressed urgently, periodically.

That latent land question pushes us to concoct legal considerations and social, that of the labor economics, provide bases to discuss and debate policies that support coherent and functional state.

What to do with our agriculture, for example, in the next 15 years? Fundamental question that we never made to define what will be done with the production system to be used, to replace the current semi-feudal court where the peasant is only superficial part of the screening productive, having been taken into account to increase / enhance the efficiency models agricultural production and agro-business investment is not supported or at least sponsored initiatives. The much talked about mechanization of agriculture was ever conceived in 1953 by the Revolution have been truncated because of the emerging militarism, outweighed political rather than socio-economic concepts.

In short, it is time for regrets. With Law INRA those devoted to agriculture, large-scale or individual or community property, subject to determinations of the free market model, often dramatic because, since the state still nothing has set for promotion to the already harsh farming . How long the agri-entrepreneurs will be left to fend for themselves in their work, to withstand winds of that “invisible hand” of Adam Smith shaped by the new capitalism

You should take into account the Bolivian agrarian expert commentary Ergueta Luis Antezana, who argued that the law is bases INRA those political studies by Kelly Sanchez [1940] and if not to make immediate adjustments to policy formation State directors of agricultural issues “will travel the road to failure because the current main concepts of ownership and land tenure and the existing feudal production methods retain characteristics …” (1), irreconcilable, of course, with the prevailing economic model in today.

Definitely demanded by the urgency of structuring basis for new policies by the State intends to agribusiness companies to sponsor specialized regulations from the state tax subsidies and tax facilities, opening of credit lines to development, replacement of banks second-tier development, promotion of technology transfer, zero tariff on imports of machinery, supplies, spare parts and agricultural technology, for example, allowing producers to add to our increasingly competitive international agricultural negotiations as well as exerting dynamic markets of integration for our value-added agricultural products. That is the fundamental state task: boosting the agricultural sector, out of its stagnation and their level of productivity “cultural” and launch them via appropriate policies of state, national and international markets.

In this new context, to revive the agricultural sector to boost our slowing economy, peasants and indigenous peoples should be integrated into production immediately urging financial training and state-sponsored agricultural cooperatives. It would be crazy to think that one percent annually of the general budget of the nation in fiscal management integrated program of investment promotion activities, refinancing and credit enhancement and expansion of agribusiness work.

As a fundamental right of land ownership and historically linked universal welfare, economics, the performance of second-tier banks and social development must lead efforts to seed breeding, specialized technical research and the promotion and extension of work agriculture as the most effective-in this century to combat poverty. Food security in Bolivia so profoundly challenged by the FAO for the underutilization of arable land as our homeland just one million hectares are arable (2) is fundamental objective that must be overcome through an agricultural standard that reflects in a coherent and exhaustive political minds of much of state for agriculture to enable the emergence of new initiatives and investments to the sector. The INRA law is useless if you currently slow reorganization and improvement of land ownership rights are sleeping in the offices of INRA throughout the country. How many hectares were legally sound? Few in relation to the financial opportunity cost lost by not having the roles of our land a day for us as a tool of bank guarantee, for example, that are used to improve our crops of cotton, soybeans, Sorj, corn and wheat.

The earth is not only an economic good, although it is immersed in the constant changes imposed by the market, is much more than mere economic concept. The earth is good to fulfill necessary social role historically led to the development of society as a whole, as stated by the Constitutional Charter. Probably the historical events that provided a framework to the birth of the law 03 464 (1953) and the INRA Act (1996) have been preceded by profound social pressures, full of sociological nuances.

The birth of Agrarian Reform is noted as the profound revolutionary change history breaking old patterns of political thought and added to the central dynamics of the State so far pariah, as was the Indian before 52. For the birth of new converged INRA Law sociological motivations as social actors: pressure from community groups, native and international weight declared the decade of the rights of indigenous peoples. It is time that the search for our second Agrarian Reform State policies conducive to direct / manage the farming and production, discarding this impostor actually custom made for many thousands of hectares in the country “the land belongs to no but the work it holds “and rather social mandate to revitalize the land belongs to those who work with efficient production methods, fundamental postulate of Agrarian Reform, the main socio-economic change historical fact of our country.

The opening of provincial roads and the marketing of agricultural products in major consumer markets, loans for investment, joint venture contracts agriculture so successful in mining and other commercial activities, the legalization of tenure land are factors that must be incorporated and taken into account in our relentless march to the second Agrarian Reform.

So these policies should be designed for agriculture: aggressively promote those raids as agribusiness, to sponsor security on land investments, which provide assurance to the banks to receive as mortgage guarantee, collateral or any security not only title over land ownership rights, including agricultural products and value-added. The State has an obligation not to let us enter the new millennium with the agro forgotten, organized to that effect incorporation of private capital, including constitutional international obvious exceptions, in favor of the earth when handling new criteria and guidelines for those TCO declared lands (community lands) are embedded in the dynamics of production skills identified by those concepts newmanager senior management and agriculture, while respecting beliefs and cultures but with the help of the tecnocibernética.

For the Indian and indigenous communities over time and generations will not fail to be original but the car will have to rise in the rate of production than the push to be competitive and employers.

Tho
se policies necessary for the land with which Bolivia may be inserted into international markets integration should cover legal aspects of formalization / legalization of land tenure: respect, for example, the principle of jurisdictional unity, for this purpose to strengthen new agrarian courts, as courts of first instance, creating room with agricultural issues within the district and superior courts as a last resort with legal action by the Land Court office today in Sucre. Nor can, via administrative review of social processes agricultural and revert the land property title for nonpayment of taxes. The payment of land tax should be prevention measure not demonization and efficient method for running capital and labor.

The search for criteria to reconcile macroeconomic precepts microeconomic interests will be critical for coupling to the mentioned country to globalization. Anti-dumping rules, ten-year production strategies, integration of capital for soil research, funding for management consulting / classification of land unfit for cultivation, grazing, agro-industry, agribusiness and the continued regrouping and redistribution of land taking account parameters of production, social and legal criteria must be permanent objectives of the State, receiving advice from social institutions such as the Eastern Agricultural Chamber, the Confederation of Livestock, agro investors, farmers and indigenous people, placed in a position to Bolivia international competitiveness, previously having strengthened domestic agricultural markets.

Here the municipalities sectional play task: to articulate the urban-rural, conjunctions two worlds in harmony so far back. It is possible that there are cities “backbone” and rural populations without access to drinking water. The municipality, as an autonomous entity, not just direct empowerment plans farmers market, will consolidate engine for investment in land and in coordination with the INRA will ensure that all processes of consolidation and formalization of land are verified promptly.

With these bases for the formation of State policies will be achieved Bolivian society to push those thresholds course of the next century, following international postulates that point to land as the weapon / most powerful tool to combat poverty, first of all the ills and evils that modern civilizations endure every day for lack of food. If in the last century mining was mainstay of national development in the XXI century for the agriculture, resulting from the green and eastern tropical wealth and dignity for all Bolivians.

This change of structure, thought and power will also go in the country forging a Bolivian agrarian law, with shades and brightness of their own, in permanent evolution / revolution becoming trampled under the stamp duty day in history which poses an undeniable truth: to empower the agriculture is to fight poverty and underdevelopment.

NOTES:

(1) Luis Antezana E. The INRA law,
(2) Folder Executive FAO Food Security Information.
Here begins the contents of the article

Historical evolution of the Venezuelan oil economy

1. Introduction

Oil is studied in Venezuela as a set of political and economic events from 1908. Although oil was already known by the Indians, started its operation in 1878 with the formation of Tachira Oil Company, which built a small refinery with seating for fifteen barrels per day.

In 1914 the oil boom began, that is, begins its operation on a large scale with the dictatorial government of General Juan Vicente Gómez and from this Government and to this day that will deepen our study to determine the oil developments and the impact they had every ruler of our country in it.

It is in the second decade of the twentieth century that oil is a fundamental part of the economy to Venezuelan oil revenues to move from the first income from coffee, cocoa, Agriculture and Livestock and now can be defined monoproducer Venezuela as a country following the policies set by our leaders.

2. Historical Review

Even though the late nineteenth century, the Venezuelan government oil concessions awarded on an occasional basis, is from 1907, when it begins the international oil companies operating in Venezuela.

It is in the early decades of the twentieth century when oil companies are expanding globally, coinciding with the rise of capitalist economies of the United States, Britain, Germany and France. While the first concession to operate asphalt was granted a few months after the promulgation of the first Mining Code in 1854, is eleven years later, in 1865, when the first oil concession granted to Venezuela, which expired before birthday. After creation of the first commercial Venezuelan oil company by the name of Petrolia del Tachira in 1878, gives some oil concessions occasionally until the late nineteenth century.

Meanwhile in the U.S. and Europe are two giant oil monopolies developed with the names of Standard Oil Company and Royal Dutch Oil Company, respectively, from which emerged a set of subsidiary companies entered the main oil regions of the world, including that Venezuela occupied a privileged place. In that sense, these two major international oil companies began their activities in Venezuela in an intensive, from the year 1907, competing aggressively for the best concessions in the framework of the new Mining Act.

According to this legal instrument adopted by Cipriano Castro in August 1905, the oil companies received concessions for fifty years with the commitment to begin exploitation within four years following the awarding of the title. Companies for their part, should pay the state an annual tax of sixty cents per acre given in concession, plus a royalty of one dollar and twenty cents per ton exploited. The first grants under the scheme were given to Venezuelans who then transferred them to the international oil companies, although the concession was temporarily suspended due to conflict of Cipriano Castro government with the European powers and the United States. However, with the arrival of Juan Vicente Gómez to power in 1908, was reset in an accelerated delivery of Venezuelan subsoil concessions on the International Petroleum Monopoly.

Oil Dictatorship Gomez period:

3. Juan Vicente Gómez 1908 – 1935

The government of Juan Vicente Gómez widely favored foreign investment in the country, most of them concentrated in the oil sector that began to develop. In this regard, during the Gomez regime defined a legal framework through which it delivers much of the country in concessions, according to the interests of international oil companies. Foreign investment in the country that had begun at the time of Guzman Blanco, and had setbacks during the administration of Cipriano Castro, were generously favored by the Gómez regime.

In fact, since the arrival of Gomez to power, one of his main concerns was to restore the paralyzed International credit in times of its predecessor, for which again giving the American company New York and Bermudez, the concession fifty years of the operation of asphalt that had been suspended Castro. In addition to restoring confidence to achieve the outside world in Venezuela, and to restore diplomatic relations broken by Castro, Gomez’s benevolent attitude towards foreign investment to increase the Revenue sought to cope with internal and external obligations by previous governments.

This tilt in favor of Gomez to the international capital coincided with the emergence of America as a landscape of Western capitalist systems, especially in the twenties, after the First World War. During that period the industrialization achieved by the United States caused an accumulation of surplus capital, which was channeled to the backward countries producing raw materials, such as Venezuela, will allow them to monopolize the exploitation of basic resources for the continuation of its accelerated development economic. It was in this way the U.S. capital, in conjunction with the European lesser extent, entered Venezuela, becoming one of the largest Latin American countries attracted foreign investment during that time. Apart from the favorable economic conditions in international capital operating in Venezuela, Gómez regime were guaranteed an atmosphere of peace achieved by repression, reaching granted oil concessions during this period in much of the country.

The Gómez regime came to a way to encourage foreign investment in the country, a minister was changed and amended the Mining Act, according to the requirements formulated by the International Capital, as noted by Federico Brito Figueroa in his “Economic and Social History of Venezuela ‘, whose text is extracted the following paragraph:” They were not yet satisfied the oil monopolies, demanding more oil and the dictatorship of Juan Vicente Gómez accessed without too much effort to all that requested their protectors. The Minister Gumersindo Torres was dismissed and was convened by representatives of three American companies to collaborate on the development of a law tailored to their aspirations. “
The government of calm and sanity:

4. Eleazar López Contreras 1936 – 1941:

During the presidency of General Eleazar López Contreras was an oil strike starting the December 11, 1936 lasted forty-three days, until January 22, 1937, which ended and although the achievements of the strikers of the Zulia oil fields and flacon was very little in relation to the request, however, this clash of the workers in the oil industry to foreign concessionary companies set a precedent in the country’s labor history.

Del Zulia oil workers who were the most numerous, living in subhuman conditions and received discriminatory treatment by foreign overseers. In this situation, the unions in the area decided to introduce two separate Labour Inspectorate conflicting statements in which they sought, inter alia, the setting of minimum wages, wage increases, paid weekly rest, improved housing, medical services and removal of barbed wire fences surrounding the residential areas of the workers.

Given the lack of oil companies of these just demands, the workers were stopping Falcón and Zulia, until all oil production in the western country was completely paralyzed.

The organization that showed the union leaders were allowed to resist several attempts by the oil companies to break the strike, which together with the domestic support given by the oil workers strike brought the oil lasted for forty-three days, from 11 December 1936 until January 22, 1937.

In this last date the President Lopez Contreras decree for the immediate resumption of the activities stalled in the oil industry and an increase of daily bolivar workers accruing seven, eight and nine Bs and an additional bolivar this increase for workers who do not occupy rooms of business in conflict.

In this way puts an end to the first major labor strike which was done under the aegis of the new Labour Act 1936. Benefiting from international oil companies, as other demands were not met, thus beginning a police chase of the leaders of leftist parties
that had organized or supported frustrated oil strike. One of the organizers of the oil strike Juan Bautista Fuenmayor, who wrote a 1936 book titled “Twenty Years of Policy 1928-1948″, in analyzing the causes of frascaso of this labor dispute, said that it had been instructive, as follows from the following paragraph: “However, the oil strike was a great lesson for Venezuelan workers, because it showed that any request for economic improvement is resolved, ultimately, in a political conflict, in which the privileged classes use the device the state that this act on its behalf. “

Managing general presidential

5. Isaias Medina Angarita 1941-1945:

In which Venezuela was financially almost bankrupt
Because Venezuela War II had to face a difficult and sudden storm of an economic nature, the year 1941 was a very good prospect for the country, as oil gave him the unimaginable sum of 228 million barrels of oil.

This situation brought about immediate consequence that, during the fall of Pearl Harbor, a major American stronghold that was fed with Venezuelan oil, German submarines, allied with the Japanese, on the night of February 14, 1942 torpedoed seven tankers transporting our oil to the refineries of Curacao and Aruba. This requires lowering our production to 148 million barrels, wine forced to reduce the income to support government policy of work for the benefit of the community. An important step was the review of oil policy. Because of lower production, the government called for a fundamental review of petroleum legislation.

After many studies and discussions. Medina calling Congress into special session: thus the March 13, 1943 Venezuela had a new oil law more prominent aspects of which were:

* Unification of all measures taken on oil in previous governments.
* Obligation to expand companies in Venezuela, and at the expense of these refining facilities.
* Increased taxes and royalties, to match tax revenues with the profits of the consortium.
* Renewal of the Government of all degrees awarded and extending its life for forty years and to waive all lawsuits against the oil industry.

The benefits of the new law were immediate effect, large amounts of money entering the state coffers. This gave incentive for the government to deliver on new concessions, thirteen million acres. Naturally, this situation openly favorable to industry, increase production, which was set at 300 million barrels annually on the established brand.

Before the enactment of the Hydrocarbons Law of 1943, the oil concessions granted were subject to different laws, and control the state exercised in the activities of enterprises, and the benefits they obtained was insufficient. In that sense, the new hydrocarbon law represent a set of advantages for the country from the standpoint of legal and economic, since its enactment in March 1943.

As regards the economic benefits, highlights the rise of the royalty or tax operating royally reach the sixth or sixteen with two third percent of production. Similarly, the tax was increased to eight original operating Bs per hectare exploration tax took six Bs per hectare during the three years that lasted the period of this activity while the surface tax is progressively increased As he grew older the grant to compel the concessionaire to exploit it. In conjunction with these excise duties shall be submitted to the oil industry to pay general taxes, according to its law of income tax and eliminating the mandatory exemption from payment of customs tax

6. Revolution 18th October 1945

It was a civic-military movement was openly in revolt against the legitimate government of the republic. The revolutionary junta headed by Romulo Betancourt ruled the destinies of the country from October 18, 1945, until February 15, 1948, date on which the latter became President of the Republic novelist Romulo Gallegos, elected by vote universal, direct and secret. Among the achievements of the revolutionary junta in that troubled period in the history of Venezuela, highlighted the 1945 oil reform, the creation of the Corporacion Venezolana de Fomento and the Electoral Statute 1946 and the promulgation of the Constitution 1947. One of the most important steps taken by the Revolutionary Government Junta was established by Decree N-112 31 December 1945, by which the percentages were changed bear by way of Income Tax. In this way we achieve a more appropriate share of tax on profits generated by the oil industry up to fifty percent of them, by what is called the outcome of this policy, the regime of 50-50 (Fifty-fifty ) in oil.

7. Chair Don Romulo Gallegos From 1948

Don Romulo Gallegos was sworn on February 15, 1948. The country’s political scene was like in the government of the Revolutionary Council, fully respectful of civil liberties. Highlights of this governance is an abundance of excellent measures of an educational, economic, welfare, labor, etc.

Enumerating highlights from this brief period of rule, we find the following:

* The establishment of the preparatory committee to study and plan the possibilities for oil exploration, by a National Company, which also consider the initiation of the oil refining industry.
* Logrose in this administration with a well-planned oil policy, a doubling of inflows to the Treasury, by concepts of oil revenues.
* European immigration was imposed into the country with 20,000 immigrants of various nationalities, in 1948.
* The significant increase national road network, also attended other aspects in communications between the construction of more than 25 second-class airports in different populations inside the Republic as well as the improvement and expansion of others.

8. Military Junta 1948

It was called “Revolution of 1948″ military movement that overthrew President Romulo Gallegos, 24 November 1948, assuming that time from a military junta, the control of the situation in the country. The board was composed until November 13, 1950, by Lieutenants and Colonels Chalbaud Carlos Slim, who presided, Marcos Pérez Jiménez and Luis Felipe Perez Llovera.

The reasons given by the military junta to overthrow President Romulo Gallegos, through the movement known as “Revolution of 1948″ were given by the Armed Forces to the nation on November 25, 1948.

According to that statement, the military had decided to assume full control of the situation in the country at the inability of national governments to resolve the crisis and by the intrusion of extremist groups in national life that promoted a general strike consequences incalculable.

On the other hand, the National Armed Forces argued that the Democratic Action Party had introduced political sectarianism in the country, taking advantage of power for its own benefit, and that the amendment of the Constitution of 1947, although he had introduced progressive principles However, suffered from vices aimed at abuse of power. It is noteworthy that the military coup of November 24, 1948 has not provoked a violent reaction by the people who elected overwhelmingly Romulo Gallegos, a phenomenon that could be explained by the following assessment by Miguel Angel Mudarra: “There has been a recurencia militaristic national cause confusion in the country and sowed despair in the town voter, but this suffered from exhaustion visible under strong environmental politicization and pugnacity between political factions. “

9. Cabinet from 1948-1950

Your agent was Colonel Carlos Delgado Chalbaud President, not only assumed executive authority of the nation, but also abrogated the legislature.

Second Stage of Military Government 1950 – 1952:

With the disappearance of Colonel Carlos Delgados Chalbaud it began the second stage of government, of a purely military, the constitution of the second stage of the government immediately start the assassination occurred. Your representative was Guzman Suarez Flamerich and highlights from the second stage occurs on 19 April 1951 whe
n the government dictate the electoral statute modeled on the democratic mold according to the 1947 constitution and called for elections which were held in an fraudulent and December 2, 1952 announcing the victory of officially represented by Pérez Jiménez.

Government’s new national ideal

10. Marcos Pérez Jiménez 1953 – 1958

The government of Marcos Pérez Jiménez, which lasted five years, between December 2, 1952 and January 23, 1958, is characterized as a personalist regime and dictatorship in which the abundant tax revenues were used mainly on the implementation of a comprehensive program of public works, and in the allocation of necessary resources to police and military forces to enable it to keep him in power. The latter was achieved through repression of political and union activities on the one hand, and through the persecution and imprisonment of his opponents, on the other.

During the Marcos Jimenez government tax revenues doubled, going from Bs: 2.534 million in 1953 to 5.405 million in 1957 Bs, by virtue of having increased by more than double the revenue from the oil industry coming to represent the same 71% of tax revenue in 1957. Of these enormous resources that the country was at that time, over half were assigned to the cost of security and defense of the dictatorship, and the construction of public works.

During the dictatorship Jimena Pérez economy provoking mechanized farming. favorable growth of the agricultural and industrial activities at the same time it expanded the domestic market. This was accomplished mainly by the considerable increase in public and private investments, but from the social point of view the results were not flattering, especially by increased migration from the countryside to the cities that Motivated by increased World oil demand after World War II ended, Venezuela’s oil production doubled between 1945 and 1951.

On the other hand, the number of barrels of oil extracted during the government of Perez Jimenez, continued the upward trend, rising from 1.8 million bpd in 1957. This resulted in a considerable increase in exports and a substantial increase in tax revenues, which are channeled back into the economy through public spending. Jimena Pérez During the regime, specifically in the years 1956 and 1957, were granted concessions to international oil companies, according to the 1943 Hydrocarbons Law.

According to this legal instrument companies receiving awards were entitled to forty years to exploit hydrocarbon resources that were found in the assigned area, paying the State a special tax, apart from income tax for the income that the company obtained dealership.

In order to make known how you would grant new oil concessions, the Minister of Mines and Hydrocarbons Edmundo Luongo Cabello summon a meeting of the Higher Council of Production, in which representatives of various economic sectors and the press.

He began his presentation the Minister Luongo Cabello, pointing at the meeting held on January 11, 1956, the technical and economic reasons underlying the decision of the National Executive as to the granting of new concessions. In this regard I point out that through this policy could keep the domestic oil industry in the global hierarchy had at that time, while it would increase the proven reserves of hydrocarbons by new explorations that make charter companies, and that the rate of production of the time the country’s oil reserves would last less than fourteen years.

On the other hand, the Minister assessed the participation Lounge had the State of the benefits arising from the exploitation of hydrocarbons during the period 1943-1954, indicating that it had received Bs 12,300 million, while net income of industry at that time had amounted to Bs 9,700 million, which represented a 56% to 44% government and oil companies, surpassing the 50-50 ratio had stipulated oil reform of the Revolutionary Council Government in December 1945. Having decided on the granting of new concessions, oil companies received in the period 1956-1957 a total of 821 091 hectares to be explored and exploited, resulting in the Lake Maracaibo the most productive.

On the other hand, the government of Pérez Jiménez felt in those years by way of tax of exploration, exploitation and initial amount of Bs 3.116 million, paid by companies Creole and Mene Grande Shell and ten Additional international oil companies.

Governance: Strategic Management Assurance Government

Introduction

All too often, unfortunately, many labor leaders, business, governmental and nongovernmental-and even teachers and management consultants and government-are not always sufficiently clear and the elusive concept of governance or the set of factors that she depends. But of course, everyone discusses this issue and believes passionately, as if he knew, as all directors or officers, any ruler or manager, is clear that there should not dominate the theme, unfortunately as usual in such circumstances, ignorance is shared … and act accordingly. My intention is to contribute, where possible, to change into something this situation-with a scientific approach and not political, if at all possible.

Whether that is the philosophy, concept, idea, system, technique, instrument, tool, etc. to be used for best practice-management or governance of the organization in charge-the fundamental mission of the managers or executives is achieving its governance.

Achieve the governance of the organization in achieving that, acting in accordance with the values-she agreed movement towards strategic vision or purpose made, gradually reaching the goals and targets that reflect this aspiration … despite or thanks-a- the actions of allies, opponents and indifferent, external and internal … in an atmosphere of relative harmony.

When a government blames the opposition for not achieving what had been proposed, the government says otherwise, though, recognizes that he lost the governance and management of the situation slipped from her hands. If the opposition wanted and succeeded in dislodging the government and won it in breach of his purposes governance: at least until he succeeded. The same is true in reverse.

If a company X wins steadily to a competitor Y-on-market share it is losing the competitive governance, but if the final X bankruptcy, because its prices were competitive but not profitable, is it lost X governance … and probably yours and recover.

Now, unfortunately, the objectives of a government-not necessarily, correspond to the objectives of the state, objectives should always be above the objectives and interests of both the government and the opposition. Something similar happens with top management goals and objectives of the Organization, which, in one way or another, should seek to satisfy our all concerned that she is successful: customers, employees, suppliers, community and shareholders public and / or private nonprofit or for profit.

The difficulties and distortions associated with not-fully-satisfying all these requirements, form what are called agency problems: the resolution of these involves getting the players (agents) behave in such a way as to ensure “effective-by collective welfare of the constituents and not to meet their personal interests to the detriment of others.

It is fashionable in our use of the word “media”-which is not in the dictionary of the Royal Spanish Academy of Language “in the sense of using the” means “of communication, to mediate the action of the government , for alleged petty interests to hamper it. A strong and capable government-or should be done strategically, relatively immune to the action of their opponents … and not complain about the increased power of their opponents to take to lose governance. The same is true in reverse.

The mission of the opponents is to be opponents … and they should comply, the leaders should meet theirs: rule-governance, the benefit of all … strictly in the institutional and democratic values … but other players have not respected and if there the possibility that the opposition will not respect … and although this or incompetence, and / or loss of popularity and / or power-governance could lose as much as the government, these are-or should be-the rules of democratic game.

This is also applicable to business and labor, political and non-independent or opposition-it is not acceptable for them to act passively and just complain and blame steadily how much that government-and poor governance of state-of harms, including in the governance of the organizations in charge: it is necessary that, at the same time, do something of sufficient impact to try and correct “drastic remedy, but also democratically-the situation that affect on the way … to achieve the required level of governance.

The challenge to achieve high-state governance from all these circumstances, represents what should attempt to resolve “deliberate and concerted joint-leaders and non-governmental business and labor … … … religious and political and civil society organized etc …., in an assertive, proactive and resourceful, democratic and faithfully respecting the mandate of their constituents.

From there the search for governance be extended to the governance of the country, as governance of it depends on the governance of their institutions and the responsibility not only to all its inhabitants, but also of interest to neighboring countries and all those with which there are important relationships. From a systemic point of view to compete worldwide, especially in this globalized and interconnected world in which everything affects us all: especially if the country is a huge source of energy, and loss of governance, becomes white coveted and ultra-vulnerable to terrorists and anti-…

The governance implies the capacity of the community to achieve a relatively stable balance between political, economic, social, cultural, etc., For conducting public affairs, transparency and value for a relatively fair and harmonious, effective and efficient, which supports the welfare of all …

This is easier said than achieved, it involves balancing competing interests.

On one side are those who continue to defend economic interests that sector, predominantly short-term, fear radical change and prefer the stability guaranteed development as a way to attract capital through the market-and-prosperity for all ( labeled as “conservative,” “neoliberal,” and so .).

On the other side are those who follow those advocating government intervention as a way to make progress with social justice through radical changes “in a very short time and although this will lead to greater macroeconomic imbalances (self-styled” progressive ” “revolutionary”, etc .).

From there the wide zigzag in search of a balance-not always agreed, between freedom (and prosperity?) And equality (and authoritarianism?) That “many times, lose sight of the explicit formulation and the effective achievement of long-term strategic objectives to the detriment of all … and no benefit to the poorest …

Does anyone have grave doubts about the risk of lawlessness that runs any community in which the disadvantaged and their hardship increases “without measure” against broken promises over and over again, regardless of the numerous and very well articulated intentions and explanations have and which, after all, just show utter incompetence to govern and reconcile?

Or is it perhaps just what is sought “intentionally” provoke a social explosion ungovernable

Is not it more reasonable to conclude a fair deal and agreed, although there are those who discredit a priori any agreement? The problem is to sign a pact with cupolas genuinely representative of their bases or is with the leadership per se or the alleged illegitimacy of these domes? Would it help a deal with domes-even representative, who ignore and do not satisfy a growing crowd of dispossessed … and perhaps justifiably mad-partially-assembled

Once the economic situation, leading inevitably to a conclusion bound and influenced by the situation, who would dare to raise diaphanous transparency-with-the inability to meet short-term “fair expectations or exacerbated by passion, but probably excessive compared to the stage in sight, given the enormous and growing gap between the financial resources required and available?

Sean ones who are required to be representative, brave and honest and ha
ve a huge capacity for negotiation and mediation, and generate a great confidence-in order to effectively recover and improve governance, which involves understanding that is great in it and it depends …

INTERESTING DEFINITIONS

For The British Council, Chile, “The term governance refers to state institutions, civil society and private sector, and the relationships between these sectors.

Although these relationships vary by country and time, all countries face the following challenge: how institutions can ensure the welfare of its citizens more effectively, and how citizens can contribute to building and maintaining institutions that are transparent, efficient and equitable. “

For Forum on Governance and Conflict: “Governance is a political concept to articulate ways of regulating the social order.

The problem of a social system is not the conflict but how to arbitrate. The debate on governance has grown exponentially, according to:

Ü the objectives set by governments,
ü lines of action of international cooperation,
ü The concept of economic and social regulation, and
ü institutional and political dimension of development.

The various proposals on governance are not just a set of recommendations concerning the most efficient way to manage the state, but are specific proposals on the organization of relations between market and democracy.

These proposals affect the shape of the state and its mission, the institutional and regulatory framework of a country, the flexibility of the political system and the forms of participation and conflict management.

There are several schools of thought in this field:
ü liberal thinkers and the reformulation of the mode of regulation of the post-
ü the Washington consensus about the setting,
ü the neo-institutional shift, fatigue adjustment, democratization expectations connected with the so-called second generation of institutional reforms, and
ü theses concerning the relationship between democracy and market.

The conflict has multiple manifestations such as conflict of interests both internationally and nationally, as well as being a powerful telling of the ways of managing the social order.

During the Cold War, social conflict issue had a particular status. According to their scale and nature was thought of in terms of defense, reform or change the social system.

Since democracy and the market emerged as the key references to the conflict changed status. Obviously not gone let alone its causes, but is now thought in terms of effectiveness. It is in this context the notions that have appeared on the management and prevention of conflict.

The analysis of the conflict is vital for good governance in all its proposals and in any society.

But in societies where conflict has escaped any form of regulation devastating social relations, also obliges them to think and discover strategies for building political and institutional forms that integrate and enable peace.

In this direction the new analysis of the conflict have placed it as an important parameter of stability or change, organizational effectiveness and as a condition of peace.

This has been associated thematic analysis of the manifestation of the conflict and its actors, the forms of violence, institutional response, light weapons control and public security policies. “

Curzio, a researcher at UNAM-in a very interesting article on governance, raises the following: “We could perhaps talk about a principle of governance. The idea of flexible management principle to establish a characterization not rigid. The principle of governance can play a useful role in comparative terms, similar to the mutually exclusive role dyads with development / underdevelopment advocated by Aron and recently discussed by Bobbio left / right.

The couple governance / ungovernability is mutually exclusive, ie no ability to drive or there is not harmonious, though not precisely know what is the threshold between the two situations. Moreover, the idea in principle should be added that governance and poor governance are systemic processes similar to those of thermodynamics. The order and chaos, for example, are part of the same complex reality. There is no static order or total disorder. Similarly, it is not possible to conceive of a polity in which there is perfect and permanent governance. The kingdom of entropy exists as a physical speculation similar to the way in which lawlessness is understood by political scientists as the complete decomposition or total ineffectiveness of systemic order.

I think if you look at the term as a principle also have realized that not only can, but it is his nature, argumentative used as a weapon to stop or to further political changes.

The quarrels between the old regime and modernity, as well as independence in Latin America, were structured around the traditional concept of the legitimacy or obedience, and was used in both ways. “

For me it is therefore very important to keep in mind the newly exposed, along with accepting that it is impossible and unnecessary to assess the level of governance with neutrality and objectivity.

On the one hand we have the same observer alters the observed system, especially if made public the description “objective” analysis the observed and “impartial” observed. On the other hand, we have hardly a casual observer will notice that his account belongs to him and not to complex social phenomenon represented by the governance. I can see with my own eyes that the sun moves-all-days of release to the west, and conclude “validly” that moves the sun and the earth … because my eyes show me the “truth” the observed, not realizing the crippled reconstruction of the facts “objectively” observed and described. Similarly seeking to evaluate and “neutral and objectively describe” the position of opposition and the government is merely an illusion …

AN INTERESTING MODEL

Curzio proposed, complementarily, a model to study segmented governance problems in one country and distribute-and-therefore analyze the five factors, he says, help stabilize the situation in a country in a given historical context, and Contrast-detect vulnerabilities that threaten it:

1. popular perception of the political legitimacy of public authorities,

2. government competence demonstrated in negotiating and reaching agreements with the appropriate basic and main lobbies,

3. government efficiency to integrate all the contestants the political game, that is, to develop and ensure the participation of all stakeholders in the strategic effort to develop, share and carry out a national project,

4. to meet government efficiency, order, channel, etc., challenges and demands of different sectors of society with equanimity, without undermining the public interest group pressures of power or government corruption, and

5. International project feasibility government-to-launch or ongoing.
From my point of view it seems useful to suggest that other two factors are considered relevant:

6. competence in decentralize and streamline the State, especially in the management of regions and localities are concerned, and
7. competence in the handling of the economy and public finances, with emphasis on increasing productive investments that generate employment, and consistent and successful management of monetary, fiscal and social, etc.

Do not defend or attack it this model: it could be applied or invented another. It also could have done a comparative analysis of advantages and disadvantages of various models with each other, and selected “objectively” the most appropriate model … obviously more suited to my way of seeing and evaluating the world … according to my criteria … with my way of see the world … with my … with my interests paradigms: in practice be better models as many observers have … the invitation to act with objectivity is just a reason to fo
rce others to find the reason (Maturana).

Since we can not escape this fact, since we act on what we perceive with our senses as if it were an objective reality, it is useful to realize that this “reality” is just a “representation” language of it: the only thing observer makes a better than another, is the comparative success reach-to act accordingly to what was observed, with the distinguished “in achieving or not achieving what you want … circumstantial or individually or collectively persistently … …

From there you can not defend the “objective and neutral” on my evaluation of governance!
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APPLICATION OF MODEL

Bearing in mind the newly exposed on “objectivity and neutrality,” follows a very preliminary implementation model 5 2 factors through a very preliminary assessment of the determinants of governance in Venezuela, completed long before events from 11 to April 14, 2002 – commenting on some actions-perhaps illusory, to try to increase it, considering critically the possibility of planting and succeed, which supposedly was:

1. The legitimacy and independence of public authorities and ombudsmen in charge of them is seriously questioned, but not as to the origin of the Chairman-election by an opposition more and more numerous, organized and warlike.

The industry officials deny this fact with even greater belligerence: opposition blames a media conspiracy to overthrow the legitimate government, responded with the formation of the Bolivarian Circles and threat with the wholehearted support of the National Armed Forces.

From the point of view of the main opposition, the current government ombudsmen are sectarian and inept sheep, their background and behavior, do not ensure clear separation of powers that the constitution states.
He argues that abruptly change-competent and independent citizens with experience and proper credentials, of recognized probity: and not only allow, but also demand-independent criteria and extreme dedication.

For the government and its followers, its mandate has been legitimately acquired, maintained its popularity and its officials are the best that the country has had, has belligerently recent appointments fall precisely on the most challenged by the opposition and business responsible for working … negotiate.

It is difficult to assume that the executive and his followers to accept change and executive train-versus-leftover circumstances acceptable candidates, in opposition and government, to accept appointment. The most serious difficulty which would face the new ombudsmen, and that can lead to many candidates not to accept any appointment or resign at the first exchange-would probably unpopular handling of the sensitive economic and financial situation that would have to deal (and we all would do well to understand that would remain the same in case of an abrupt transition, or induced by voluntary resignation of the executive: the Argentine case).

What plausible explanation could be given, not to extend the facilities given recently to the military, all other workers? If one were to extend to all whence would come the enormous financial resources? In that case how much would devaluation and inflation? Conversely, what would happen if the executive was unaware, or unable to comply “with the already announced to the military?, Is it the military-own initiative, reject what is already granted?

Also, What to do with collective agreements outstanding to labor conflicts and the huge fiscal deficit?, How to meet social needs, unavoidable cumulative and growing budget-without enough?, How hard braking the growing unrest population against inaction against corrupt and the powerful …?

It’s hard to imagine that the President called “own initiative” to a recall referendum that allows coping with the situation, though perhaps is the best democratic way to measure forces, facing the increasing danger of a major conflagration. Another exit-after, alternative or complementary, is the legitimate renewal of all other powers, starting with the election.

2. For the opposition, the lack of government competence to negotiate is more than evident from the stubborn position has been the executive as to not negotiate or reconcile or attempt to establish agreements with lobbyists who disagree with him, for not recognizing These groups have already demonstrated, repeatedly, have a strong and growing support of their constituents, to designate ombudsmen inept and antagonistic in charges related to them (what they think is a joke), by thoughtlessly attack against the media and not to any effective demonstration of rectification., leaving the solution of the ostrich.

For the government sector: the opposition says it wants to negotiate, but deep down do not want, because what is intended is to offend, denigrate and conspiring to overthrow the government only with the support and foreign media.

For me it always possible to reach good agreements, however difficult it may seem, if there is political will and mutual credibility, although that is not the situation, both the executive and pressure groups should be “putting aside the arrogance and recovering the courtesy-exchange dynamically according alternative proposals, acceptable to the parties … using the support of specialists in negotiation and mediation.

It is difficult to assume that the executive and his followers, who are undoubtedly to be the first steps to sincerely accept this idea, even if it is possible that, under the current circumstances “arise good ideas on both sides.